Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 16, 2009). Advisor: Rebecca Pulju. Keywords: Gender; Empire; French Indochina; Ho Chi Minh; Masculinity; Colonial Discourse. Includes bibliographical references (p. 129-134).

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-05-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:01:36Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 barbosa_jr_dr_mar.pdf: 4986606 bytes, checksum: 321d7ce25d646a8ed396654b794e133a (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Os meios jornalísticos e produções acadêmicas nas últimas décadas têm destacado em âmbito internacional manifestações de movimentos e partidos políticos defensores de ideologias chauvinistas. Os integralistas contemporâneos são aqui interpretados como expressões nacionais deste fenômeno e, organizados, estão atuando em núcleos espalhados em mais de duas dezenas de cidades em diversos estados do país. Novas e antigas gerações de militantes buscam na contemporaneidade mobilizar adeptos e simpatizantes através das novas formas de comunicação e propaganda política, que utilizadas como ferramentas diretivas e organizativas, além dos tradicionais jornais e informativos impressos, potencializam a interação entre os ativistas. As hipóteses defendidas nesta investigação partem do pressuposto que mesmo buscando atualizar seus temas os militantes contemporâneos seguem os princípios integralistas formulados na década de 1930, presentes na releitura dos atuais herdeiros do sigma. E, que o êxito na reorganização dos militantes é propiciado na atualidade pela instrumentalização das tecnologias da informação e comunicação para a divulgação de suas idéias e mobilização de seus membros. As permanências e mudanças na ideologia, as aproximações destas organizações com outros movimentos nacionalistas, assim como, a identificação de seus principais líderes e a localização de seus núcleos foram também os objetivos da investigação. Para o estudo em questão foram utilizados conteúdos de sites e blogs e textos impressos de jornais, informativos e boletins dos grupos mais expressivos entre a atual militância que na difusão de concepções anacrônicas e segregadoras se apresentam como manifestação de uma proposta de ordenamento social legitimada em sua particularidade por uma... / Astract: The News media and academic productions in the last decades have highlighted international demonstrations of movements and political parties who defend chauvinist ideologies. Contemporary integralists are interpreted as national expressions of this phenomenon. Also, they organised and act as nucleus spread over twenty cities in many states around the country. Besides the traditional news and press, old and new generations of militants are trying to gather new members through new media and political ads, which work as guidelines, improves interaction among activists. The hypothesis raised in this essay assume that even willing to update their themes, the contemporary militants still follow the integralist principles created in the 1930s and is part of the current sigma heirs interpretation. The success in reorganizing militants is possible due to technology tools of information and communication to spread ones ideas and the mobilization of their members. The remains and changings in ideologies, the approaches of these organizations to other nationalist movements in addition to the identification of their main leaders and the location of their nuclei were also targets of this investigation. In order to develop this study, blogs and sites, newspapers articles, leaflets and group bulletins, which are the most expressive, were used as part of the corpus. Their publications talk about corporatism, the criticism to social movements, the criticism to abortion support and apology to homophobia. Due to that, the the interpretation of the integralist ideology as an autocratic regressive chauvinist manifestation, as mentioned, is a syllogism: autocracy is the generalisation of the political phenomenon in its universalism; the chauvinism, the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Orientador: Antonio Carlos Mazzeo / Banca: Marcos Del Roio / Banca: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Eliel Machado / Banca: Luiz Bernardo Pericás / Resumo: Os meios jornalísticos e produções acadêmicas nas últimas décadas têm destacado em âmbito internacional manifestações de movimentos e partidos políticos defensores de ideologias chauvinistas. Os integralistas contemporâneos são aqui interpretados como expressões nacionais deste fenômeno e, organizados, estão atuando em núcleos espalhados em mais de duas dezenas de cidades em diversos estados do país. Novas e antigas gerações de militantes buscam na contemporaneidade mobilizar adeptos e simpatizantes através das novas formas de comunicação e propaganda política, que utilizadas como ferramentas diretivas e organizativas, além dos tradicionais jornais e informativos impressos, potencializam a interação entre os ativistas. As hipóteses defendidas nesta investigação partem do pressuposto que mesmo buscando atualizar seus temas os militantes contemporâneos seguem os princípios integralistas formulados na década de 1930, presentes na releitura dos atuais herdeiros do sigma. E, que o êxito na reorganização dos militantes é propiciado na atualidade pela instrumentalização das tecnologias da informação e comunicação para a divulgação de suas idéias e mobilização de seus membros. As permanências e mudanças na ideologia, as aproximações destas organizações com outros movimentos nacionalistas, assim como, a identificação de seus principais líderes e a localização de seus núcleos foram também os objetivos da investigação. Para o estudo em questão foram utilizados conteúdos de sites e blogs e textos impressos de jornais, informativos e boletins dos grupos mais expressivos entre a atual militância que na difusão de concepções anacrônicas e segregadoras se apresentam como manifestação de uma proposta de ordenamento social legitimada em sua particularidade por uma... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Astract: The News media and academic productions in the last decades have highlighted international demonstrations of movements and political parties who defend chauvinist ideologies. Contemporary integralists are interpreted as national expressions of this phenomenon. Also, they organised and act as nucleus spread over twenty cities in many states around the country. Besides the traditional news and press, old and new generations of militants are trying to gather new members through new media and political ads, which work as guidelines, improves interaction among activists. The hypothesis raised in this essay assume that even willing to update their themes, the contemporary militants still follow the integralist principles created in the 1930s and is part of the current sigma heirs interpretation. The success in reorganizing militants is possible due to technology tools of information and communication to spread ones ideas and the mobilization of their members. The remains and changings in ideologies, the approaches of these organizations to other nationalist movements in addition to the identification of their main leaders and the location of their nuclei were also targets of this investigation. In order to develop this study, blogs and sites, newspapers articles, leaflets and group bulletins, which are the most expressive, were used as part of the corpus. Their publications talk about corporatism, the criticism to social movements, the criticism to abortion support and apology to homophobia. Due to that, the the interpretation of the integralist ideology as an autocratic regressive chauvinist manifestation, as mentioned, is a syllogism: autocracy is the generalisation of the political phenomenon in its universalism; the chauvinism, the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Este trabajo se encarga de analizar Amor, curiosidad, prozac y dudas de LucíaEtxebarria, observando de cerca a sus personajes femeninos principales, y cómoestas mujeres luchan contra el sistema machista preestablecido. Por otro lado,profundizando en los hechos e historias de cada una de las protagonistas, esteensayo intenta verificar, utilizando la teoría del otro de Simone De Beauvoir comomarco teórico, si las mujeres de Etxebarria contribuyen de alguna manera aalimentar y perpetuar el sistema jerárquico que sufren y critican agudamentedurante la novela, demostrando así una dependencia hacia esta estructura. / This work focuses on analyzing Amor, curiosidad, prozac y dudas by LucíaEtxebarria, looking closely into its women and how they struggle against thechauvinist system. On the other hand, observing the events and stories of each ofthe main characters, this work attempts to verify, using Simone De Beauvoir'stheory of the other as a theoretical frame, if Etxebarria’s women contribute insome way to feed and perpetuate the hierarchical system that they suffer andcriticize acutely during the novel, thus demonstrating a dependence on thisstructure.

[pt] Todos os dias meninas e mulheres são vítimas de algum tipo de violência simplesmente por pertencerem ao gênero feminino. Diante disso, afirma-se que a violência contra a mulher é historicamente um problema social, com abrangência mundial. A perspectiva teórica adotada neste estudo compreende que tais violações são perpetuadas em razão da cultura machista e patriarcal que subsidiou as relações sociais, naturalizando de tal maneira a dominação masculina, que esta se tornou incontestável. Destarte, o objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar se, e como, adolescentes compreendem os reflexos culturais do machismo como violências sofridas por mulheres atualmente. No que tange à metodologia, o instrumento utilizado para produção de dados primários foi a entrevista semiestruturada, o método de análise, a interpretação de sentidos e o campo de pesquisa, o Núcleo de Estudos da Saúde do Adolescente, unidade docente-assistencial da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Os resultados da pesquisa evidenciaram que adolescentes observam no seu cotidiano expressões do machismo e de violências de gênero, não apresentando em seus discursos a culpabilização das vítimas e manifestando incômodo com a hierarquia social entre homens e mulheres. Entretanto, considerando que estão imersos em um contexto cultural hegemonicamente machista, também reproduzem concepções e valores conversadores, legitimados socialmente, acerca das relações desiguais entre os gêneros nos espaços públicos e as violências que atingem as mulheres todos os dias. / [en] Everyday girls and women are victims of some type of violence simply because they belong to the female gender. In view of this, it is stated that violence against women is historically a social problem, with a worldwide scope. The theoretical perspective adopted in this study understands that such violations are perpetuated due to the macho and patriarchal culture that subsidized social relations, naturalizing male domination in such a way that it became uncontested. Thus, the objective of this research is to analyze whether and how adolescents understand the cultural reflexes of machismo as violence suffered by women today. Thus, the objective of this research is to analyze whether and how adolescents understand the cultural reflexes of machismo as violence suffered by women today. With regard to the methodology, the instrument used to produce primary data was the semi-structured interview, the method of analysis, the interpretation of meanings and the research field, the Nucleus of Studies on Adolescent Health, a teaching-assistance unit at the University of Rio de Janeiro state. The research results showed that adolescents observe expressions of machismo and gender violence in their daily lives, not presenting in their speeches blaming the victims and expressing discomfort with the social hierarchy between men and women. However, considering that they are immersed in a hegemonically sexist cultural context, they also reproduce conversational concepts and values, socially legitimized, about the unequal relations between genders in public spaces and the violence that affect women every day.

Essay I (with Mattias Öhman): Fluoridation of the drinking water is a public policy whose aim is to improve dental health. Although the evidence is clear that fluoride is good for dental health, concerns have been raised regarding potential negative effects on cognitive development. We study the effects of fluoride exposure through the drinking water in early life on cognitive and non-cognitive ability, education and labor market outcomes in a large-scale setting. We use a rich Swedish register dataset for the cohorts born 1985-1992, together with drinking water fluoride data. To estimate the effect we exploit intra-municipality variation of fluoride, stemming from an exogenous variation in the bedrock. First, we investigate and confirm the long-established positive relationship between fluoride and dental health. Second, we find precisely estimated zero effects on cognitive ability, non-cognitive ability and education. We do not find any evidence that fluoride levels below 1.5 mg/l have negative effects. Third, we find evidence that fluoride improves labor market outcome later in life, which indicates that good dental health is a positive factor on the labor market. / Essay II: Motivated by the intense public debate in the United States regarding politicians’ backgrounds, I investigate the effects of electing a candidate with earlier experience from elective office to the House of Representatives. The U.S. two-party-system with single-member election districts enables me to estimate the causal effect in a RD design where the outcomes are measured at the election district level. I find some indications that candidates with earlier elective experience are more likely to be members of important congressional committees. I also find some indications that directed federal spending (pork barrel spending) is higher in those districts were the elected representative had earlier elective experience prior of being elected to the House, but the effect manifests itself some years after the election. In contrast, I find no robust or statistically significant effects for personal income per capita or unemployment rate in the home district. / Essay III: This paper uses Swedish and Finnish municipal data to investigate the effect of changes in voter turnout on the tax rate, public spending and vote-shares. A reform in Sweden in 1970, which overall lowered the cost of voting, is applied as an instrument for voter turnout in local elections. The reform increased voter turnout in Sweden. The higher voter turnout resulted in higher municipal taxes and greater per capita local public spending. There are also indications that higher turnout decreased the vote share for right-wing parties. I use an individual survey data set to conclude that it was in particular low income earners that began to vote to a greater extent after the reform. / Essay IV (with Lovisa Persson): In a theoretical model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra reception services for asylum seekers, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on asylum seekers if the cost is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of reception of asylum seekers, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue.

This MA thesis deals with the masculine identity of the three main male characters of Chuck Palahniuk's early novels Fight Club, Survivor and Choke. It consists of two parts. The first theoretical part briefly explores anthropological and sociological notions of masculinity, with the focus on the manhood in the contemporary USA. As such it serves as the theoretical basis for the second part of literary interpretation. There the masculine identity of the three main characters is discussed. As all the three characters experience the same development of masculine identity, the interpretation advances along this progress. Its stages are identity crisis, turning to the traditional male strategies, rejecting those strategies and searching the basis of one's identity in a personal relationship.

Explaining the rising support for right-wing populist parties in Europe during the last decade is an issue that interests both economists, sociologists and political scientists. A number of theories suggest that the rising inflow of migrants to Europe has had an important causal effect on right-wing populist support. However, as migration patterns generally are not exogenous to right-wing populist support, it is difficult to interpret the estimates of a correlation study causally.  In this paper, I exploit a Swedish refugee dispersal program as a natural experiment to estimate the effect of refugee inflow on the support for the right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats using an instrumental variable strategy. Despite detailed institutional knowledge, I am not able to find support for any short-term effects of refugee inflow on the self-reported preferences for the Sweden Democrats. This goes against the findings of most previous studies.  However, the multicollinearity of some of my covariates are high. In addition, as the program was introduced in 2016, there are few years available for identification. Thus, the precision of the estimates is relatively low and the study would benefit from adding more years to the panel data set.

Em um contexto caracterizado pela exacerbação da masculinidade, no qual a homofobia e a misoginia são reiteradas e, muitas vezes, naturalizadas, com o propósito também de demarcar seres abjetos por não se adequarem a essa norma, o presente trabalho estuda a trajetória de grupos e de movimentos de torcedores cujos discursos e performance vão na contramão da ideia de que o futebol brasileiro é um jogo pra machos, reduto de homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais. Tal exercício tem como propósito analisar as ações de grupos, que por meio de sua ação política em diferentes períodos históricos, reivindicaram o direito de torcer pelas pessoas LGBT e mulheres, desestabilizando, assim, a norma regulatória baseada em um modelo de masculinidade hegemônica. Para isso, serão estudadas as torcidas gays do final da década de 1970, como a Coligay (torcida do Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) e a Fla-Gay (torcida do Clube de Regatas Flamengo), que surgem em meio ao regime militar brasileiro, e os movimentos de torcedorxs contemporâneos contrários à homofobia e à misoginia no futebol brasileiro, que constroem a sua visibilidade principalmente por meio do site de rede social Facebook: Galo Queer (formada por torcedorxs do Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (que reúne torcedorxs do São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (coletivo de torcedorxs da Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) e Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (coletivo de torcedoras do Sport Club Corinthians Paulista) / In a context characterized by the exacerbation of masculinity, in which homophobia and misogyny are reiterated and often naturalized, with the purpose of also demarcating abject beings for not conforming to this norm, the present work studies the trajectory of groups and of movements of fans whose discourse and performance go against the idea that Brazilian football is a game \"for machos,\" a stronghold of cisgender, heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the actions of groups that, through their political action in different historical periods, have claimed the right to support for LGBT people and women, thus destabilizing the regulatory norm based on a model of hegemonic masculinity. To this end, I will study the gay fans of the late 1970s, such as Coligay (supporters of Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) and Fla-Gay (supporters of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo), as well as the movements of contemporary fans against homophobia and misogyny in Brazilian football, who construct their visibility mainly through the social network site Facebook: Galo Queer (formed by fans of Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (that unites supporters of the São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (a collective of fans from the Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) and Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (a collective of female supporters from Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)