The partition of India that accompanied that nation's independence in 1947 created the additional state of Pakistan; by 1971, this Pakistan had fractured into the two independent states of Pakistan and Bangladesh. This dissertation seeks to expand our temporal and spatial understanding of the sub-continent's partitioning by examining the experiences of a group of South Asian Muslims across time and space. As this dissertation will show, South Asia's partitioning includes more than the official history of boundary creation and division of assets, and more than the people's history of unbridled violence. I have oriented my investigation around a single institution, the Aligarh Muslim University, and spoken to former students of the 1940s and 1950s, whose young lives were shaped by the independence and partition of India. The memories of these former students of Aligarh University offer a lens for examining the "multiple realities" of partition and the decolonized experiences of South Asian Muslims. The educational institution at Aligarh, founded in 1875, had long been concerned with cultivating a sporting, activist, masculine identity among its students; Muslim League leaders further empowered that identity as they recruited students for election work in support of Pakistan. The students embraced the values of the demand for Pakistan that appeared to be consistent with the values engendered at Aligarh. This dissertation uncovers the history of these students throughout the 1947 partition and beyond. It explores unexpected histories of trauma among communities who "chose to stay" but later experienced a powerful discontinuity in independent India. It exposes contradictions evident in remembered histories from Pakistanis who express triumph and grief at the prospect of Pakistani independence. Finally, this dissertation assesses the position of Muslims after partition and how the "disturbances" that began in the late 1940s continue to affect them today in both lived and remembered experience. As a site for examining the "disturbances" of partition, Aligarh University proves to be a hub of a community that was and remains deeply disturbed by the changes partition wrought. / text

Peu de personnes se rappellent de la présence de la France en Inde. Quelques parties de l’Inde sont restées françaises jusqu’en 1954. À cette date, l’Inde française, consistant de quatre petits établissements (Pondichéry, Yanaon, Karikal et Mahé), était en pleine décadence et éclipsée par d’autres colonies françaises, plus grandes, plus lucratives et plus importantes pour la Métropole. L’Indochine et l’Algérie ne sont que deux exemples. Toutefois, les Français n’étaient pas disposés à abandonner leurs possessions en Inde sans résistance. Le présent mémoire cherche à expliquer la valeur des possessions françaises en Inde et les raisons de la fin de la tutelle française. Le titre du mémoire indique qu’un certain changement a eu lieu dans la politique française vis-à-vis de ses possessions en Inde. L’étude commence par un résumé de la situation politique et économique de l’Inde française depuis la fin de la dernière occupation anglaise en 1814 jusqu’à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale. L’année 1920 est choisie comme point de départ de la période visée par le mémoire. Portant sur les années 1920, le premier chapitre examine l’hégémonie du parti Gaebelé qui a eu toutes les caractéristiques d’une dictature. Indifférentes à la vie politique de l’Inde française, les autorités métropolitaines étaient surtout attirées par le commerce que la colonie offrait dans la production de tissus et l’exportation d’arachides. Après la chute du parti Gaebelé, l’Inde française a été plongée dans une longue période d’agitation, un thème clé du deuxième chapitre sur les années 1930. Inconscientes de la réalité politique, les autorités métropolitaines ont toujours accordé la priorité au commerce. Durant les années 1940, l’Inde française n’a jamais arrêté de se rapprocher de l’Inde britannique. Ce rapprochement a aussi persisté lorsque l’Inde britannique est devenue l’Union indienne en 1947. Soudainement, les Français ont senti le besoin de réaffirmer leur position d’autorité en Inde française. Le commerce est passé au second plan au profit d’une série de réformes politiques. Toutefois, ce brusque changement de politique fut trop tardif. Le quatrième chapitre, centré surtout sur la période de 1950 à 1954 et vu à travers l’exemple d’Édouard Goubert, a souligné la méconnaissance des autorités métropolitaines des réalités qui confrontaient l’Inde française. Lorsque Goubert a cessé de servir comme porte-parole et principal allié du gouvernement français en Inde, les possessions françaises en Inde furent rattachées une par une à l’Union indienne. Rétrospectivement, les faits économiques, vitaux pour le début du mémoire, sont quasiment absents de deux derniers chapitres. Se retrouvant face à la menace de perdre leurs possessions en Inde, les Français ont compris que l’Inde française était précieuse pour des raisons autres que le commerce. Un accent particulier fut mis pour souligner ces avantages culturels et politiques. De petite taille, les possessions françaises étaient importantes pour l’ordre et la stabilité dans les autres colonies de l’Empire. Parallèlement, elles représentaient des points d’appui pour l’expansion de la culture française dans l’immense sous-continent indien. / Few people today can relate to the presence of the French in India. That said, a few cities in India remained under the control of the French until 1954. By then, French India, consisting of four cities (Pondicherry, Yanaon, Mahe, and Karikal) had reached its irrevocable point of decline, overshadowed by other French colonies that were larger, more lucrative and more important to France. Indochina and Algeria are but two examples. Even so, it must be stated that the French were reluctant to abandon their possessions in India without any resistance. This particular thesis seeks to explain the value of the French possessions in India and the reasons that led to their demise. The title of the thesis suggests that a certain change occurred in the politics of the French vis-à-vis their possessions in India. The thesis commences with a summary of the political and economic situation in French India from the end of the last British occupation in 1814 until the end of World War I. The year 1920 was chosen as a starting point for this thesis. Focusing on the 1920’s, the first chapter examines the hegemony of the Gaebelé party which had all the characteristics of a dictatorship. Indifferent to the political climate in French India, politicians in Paris felt most attracted by the colony’s commerce, especially its production of textiles and exports of oleaginous plants. After the fall of the Gaebelé party, French India plunged into a long period of turmoil and political unrest. This is a key theme of the second chapter analyzing the 1930’s. Unaware of the political realities, authorities in Paris continuously prioritized the colony’s commerce. During the 1940’s, French India never stopped drawing closer to British India. This connection persisted after the independence of British India in 1947. Suddenly, the French felt an urge to reaffirm their position of authority in French India. The colony’s commerce fell second to a series of political reforms. Nevertheless, the timing of this abrupt shift was too late. The fourth chapter, centered on the period from 1950 to 1954, confirms the lack of awareness of the French authorities in Paris for the realities confronting French India. The example of Edouard Goubert is a case in point. As soon as Goubert ceased to serve as the main spokesperson and ally of the French government in French India, the remaining French possessions were incorporated one by one to India. In retrospect, facts concerning the colony’s commerce and economy, while being vital in the beginning, are hardly mentioned in the last two chapters of the thesis. Faced with the very real threat of losing their possessions in India, the French understood that French India was valuable for reasons other than commerce. A particular emphasis was placed on the cultural and political value of French India. Small in area, French India was significant in maintaining order and stability in the other colonies of the French Empire. Simultaneously, the French possessions in India represented starting points for the expansion of French culture in the vast Indian sub-continent.

Canadian processes such as the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, and Comprehensive Land Claims as well as flashpoint events (Simpson & Ladner, 2010) such as the Kanien’kehaka resistance at Kanehsatà:ke and Kahnawà:ke (the “Oka Crisis”) and more recently, the Idle No More movement, signal to Canadians that something is amiss. What may be less visible to Canadians are the 400 years of colonial oppression experienced and the 400 years of resistance enacted by Indigenous peoples on their lands, which are currently occupied by the state of Canada. It is in the context of historical and ongoing Canadian colonialism: land theft, dispossession, marginalization, and genocide, and in the context of the overwhelming denial of these realities by white settler Canadians that this study occurs. In order to break through settler Canadian denial, and to inspire greater numbers of white settler Canadians to initiate and/or deepen their anti-colonial and/or decolonial understandings and work, this study presents extended life narratives of white settler Canadians who have engaged deeply in anti-colonial and/or decolonial work as a major life focus. In this study, such work is framed as living in Indigenous sovereignty, or living in an awareness that we are on Indigenous lands containing their own protocols, stories, obligations, and opportunities which have been understood and practiced by Indigenous peoples since time immemorial. Inspired by Indigenous and anti-oppressive methodologies, I articulate and utilize an anti-colonial research methodology. I use participatory and narrative methods, which are informed and politicized through words gifted by Indigenous scholars, activists, and Knowledge Keepers. The result is research as a transformative, relational, and decolonizing process. In addition to the extended life narratives, this research yields information regarding connections between social work education, social work practice, and the anti-colonial/decolonial learnings and work of five research subjects who have, or are completing, social work degrees. The dissertation closes with an exploration of what can be learned through the narrative stories, with recommendations for white settler peoples and for social work, and with recommendations for future research. / February 2017

Many important developments have followed from the distinction being made between post-colonial and settler-colonial situations. This distinction has had implications that reach across disciplines, but have especially impacted the immerging field of Indigenous studies in Canada, which had previously been drawing, and to a certain extent continue to draw, on theories from post-colonial studies. I write this at the intersection of Indigenous studies and English literature building on the theories of decolonization in settler-colonial situations. I show that English poetry written by people in the Indigenous prairie context is one particularly active site of decolonization, in the sense that scholars such as Linda Tuhiwai Smith explain. Through the poetry of Louise Halfe, Duncan Mercredi, Gregory Scofield, Marie Annharte (Née Baker) I show how important elements of Indigenous culture are being translated into printed poetry. Furthermore, these poets are Indigenizing aspects of settler-colonial culture. I use Halfe’s poetry, especially her collection Bear Bones & Feathers, to show the ways in which Indigenous concepts of medicine can be translated into printed poetic form and bring healing for the injuries inflicted by colonialism. Scholars Jo-Ann Episkenew and Sam McKegney provide other examples of this practice and the theoretical underpinnings for literature operating as medicine. Mercredi’s poetry reveals that some of the oral character of Indigenous stories can be translated into poetry. Indigenous scholars such as Neal McLeod argue that Indigenous cultures have long engaged in the use of wit and metaphor that is so prolific in poetry. Scofield translates ceremony into poetry. Drawing in part on J.L. Austin’s notion of performativity, I show that Indigenous poetry is an active force within communities. I read Annharte’s poetry as an example of Indigenization and activism in which she destabilizes the authority of the English language. Francis challenges artistic genres to assert his own Indigenous perspective in much the same way many Indigenous people are choosing not to seek the recognition of the neo-liberal state in what Glenn Coulthard calls “the politics of recognition.” I explore the significant potential for decolonization in this writing by authors writing from Indigenous perspectives. / October 2016

Les relations entre l'État canadien et les Autochtones sont, depuis 1876, principalement régies par la Loi sur les Indiens. Le 9 octobre 2001, le ministre des affaires indiennes et du Nord canadien présente à la Chambre des communes la Loi sur la gouvernance des Premières nations (LGPN), projet de loi qui, d'affirmer le ministre, constitue une politique charnière en droit fédéral canadien. En effet, la LGPN a pour objet de compléter et de modifier la Loi sur les Indiens afin de préparer, selon les dires du ministre, les communautés autochtones à leur éventuelle émancipation politique. Le discours du gouvernement canadien suggère que la LGPN ouvre la voie à la décolonisation du droit fédéral autochtone puisqu'elle rompt avec l'approche coloniale inhérente à la Loi sur les Indiens. Une grande majorité d'Autochtones s'oppose toutefois à l'adoption de ce projet de loi, l'interprétant comme une reconduction de la politique colonialiste fédérale. L'objectif du présent mémoire est de déterminer si la LGPN annonce véritablement la fin des rapports coloniaux entre le gouvernement canadien et les Autochtones ou si, au contraire, elle n'est que l'expression moderne d'une mesure législative colonialiste. Notre analyse se fonde sur une grille d'identification du colonialisme que nous aurons préalablement établie. Après avoir démontré que la Loi sur les Indiens constitue un exemple paradigmatique de colonialisme, nous tenterons de déterminer si la LGPN se distingue véritablement de la Loi sur les Indiens. Nous conclurons que, bien que comportant certaines mesures positives, la LGPN témoigne de 1'hésitation du gouvernement canadien à changer la nature des relations qu'il entretient avec les Autochtones. / Since 1876, relations between Aboriginals and the federal Crown have always been defined by the Indian Act. On October 2001, the First Nations Governance Act (FNGA) was introduced in the House of Commons by the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northem Development. According to the Minister, the bill is pivotaI in seeking to amend and complement the Indian Act in order to prepare Aboriginals for their future political emancipation. The purported purpose of this new policy is to operate a fundamental shift away from the colonial approach ofthe Indian Act. However, the majority of Aboriginals are opposed to the enactment of the bill since, in their view, it only entrenches the colonial approach embraced by the federal govemment's policies. The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the FNGA will in fact shift away from the colonial approach of the govemment toward Aboriginals or if, on the contrary, is about modemizing colonialism. Our analysis begins with a definition of a framework using indicators to identify colonialism which we will have previously drawn up. Using this framework, we will first demonstrate the colonialist nature of the Indian Act, to then determine whether the FNGA in fact distinguishes itself from the Indian Act. While the FNGA contains sorne steps in a direction of shift away from the colonial approach, it largely reveals that the Canadian govemment still hesitates to change the nature of its relationship with Aboriginals.

Les dérivés aminostéroïdiens analogues de la squalamine ont été largement étudiés pour leur large spectre d’activité sur les bactéries et les champignons multirésistants. Nous avons réalisé la synthèse de nouveaux dérivés aminostéroïdiens et présentant de nombreuses charges positives liées à la présence de groupements azotés, les 3,20-bis(polyaminostéroïdes) analogues de la squalamine. Une étude de la relation structure-activité a démontré l’importance des charges positives induites par la présence d’atomes d’azote dans les chaines carbonées portées par le motif cholestane. Nous avons mis en évidence les mécanismes d’action mis en oeuvre vis-à-vis des bactéries Gram positive et Gram négative. L’étude des activités antifongiques démontre que la squalamine et le dérivé aminostéroïdien DAS-1 possèdent de bonnes activités sur diverses souches de levures impliquées dans de nombreuses fongémies, avec des CMIs variant de 1 à 16 μg/mL. Nous avons étudié les applications potentielles de ces dérivés et démontré que ces dérivés en formulation de pommades à 1% de squalamine et de dérivé 3.20-bis(polyaminostéroïdien) étaient capables de réduire efficacement la colonisation cutanée à S. aureus sur un modèle animal. Il a été démontré que ces dérivés bis(polyaminostéroïdiens) sont également très actifs vis-à-vis de bactérie et de champignons multirésistants isolés des patients mucoviscidosiques. Nous avons testé leur activité en tant qu’agent désinfectant de matériel médical et plus particulièrement les nébuliseurs. La formation de cachets hydrosolubles à base de squalamine, nous a permis de développer un modèle de désinfection simple, rapide et peu onéreux des nébuliseurs contaminés. / Aminosterol derivatives analogues of squalamine possess a broad spectrum activity against multidrug resistant bacteria and fungi. We synthesized a new series of 3,20-bis(polyaminosteroïd) analogues involving a titanium reductive amination possessing numerous positives charges due to the presence of nitrogen groups. The study of relation structure-activity demonstrates that the nature of the amino group attached to the sterol plays a crucial role on antimicrobial activity of these compounds. We had also determined the mechanism of action of bis(polyaminosteroïd) on Gram negative and Gram positive bacteria. The study of antifungal activity of squalamine and aminosterol derivative ASD-1 show a good activity against various yeast responsible of fungal infections, minimal inhibitrice concentration ranging from 1 to 16 μg/mL. We studied a potential application of these compounds in human therapeutic. We evaluated squalamine and related parent-derived ointments (1%) as potential new compounds for S. aureus decolonization in a new mouse model. Using this model we found that squalamine ointment (1%) was able to reduce efficiently S. aureus colonization. Squalamine and bis(polyaminosteroïd) derivatives were actives against multidrug resistant bacteria and fungi isolated from cystic fibrosis patients. We investigated the potential use of squalamine compound in vitro in a nebulizer disinfection model. A formulation of squalamine disinfecting soluble tablets at 2.5 % (W/W) was developed and successfully applied for rapid nebulizer disinfection.

Esta tese enfrenta uma dificuldade tradicional da pesquisa em Educação, que é a de associar a cultura que já existe anteriormente ao sujeito e o seu direito de se apropriar dela de maneira não dogmática. Essa dificuldade tem sido acompanhada de dicotomias que nos levam ora a centralizar o currículo no sujeito - o que tende a suprimir o papel de transmissão cultural da escola -, ora no conhecimento como um fim em si mesmo, o que tende a silenciar a voz do sujeito. Ao identificar que as soluções propostas atualmente pelas filosofias liberais fazem uma falsa inclusão do sujeito, reivindicamos propostas que o incluam de fato - propostas éticas. Nossa principal hipótese é a de que este problema educacional carrega problemas filosóficos em torno do conceito de \'conhecimento\' e nos propomos a dissolvê-lo através da desnaturalização do que estamos acostumados a chamar de \'conhecimento\' e de uma posterior redefinição do papel fundamental da escola em diálogo com diferentes filosofias da educação. Para desnaturalizar o conhecimento, realizamos uma terapia wittgensteiniana da linguagem no contexto da física com o intuito de dissolver as dicotomias levantadas e de colher argumentos para o debate geral a respeito do papel da escola. A terapia é realizada através da análise pragmática da linguagem utilizada nos textos de Newton e das criações marginais feitas a partir de sua mecânica pelos físicos André Assis, Julio Garavito e Ernst Mach. Esta metodologia de trabalho reflete a própria natureza da dificuldade, que é a de associação entre \'universal\' e \'particular\'. O diálogo nos levou a redefinir o significado de \'transmissão cultural\' e de \'voz do sujeito\' de acordo com as necessidades do nosso tempo e com as limitações epistemológicas dos conteúdos que escolhemos para compor o currículo escolar, nos auxiliando a escapar a dificuldade inicial e a construir critérios éticos e epistemológicos para a redefinição do papel da escola. A partir dos novos significados, defendemos um papel fundamental da escola em nosso tempo: o de descolonizar o conhecimento. Em outras palavras, a escola, que muitas vezes é considerada como não responsável pela solução de problemas sociais, possui, sim, a grande responsabilidade na libertação das mentes colonizadas, e assim, a de auxiliar na retirada do conhecimento do controle de poucos através da desmistificação da imagem de mundo que o suporta. Essa tarefa só pode ser realizada pela escola pública, única instituição obrigatória para todos e que é consagrada por sua estreita conexão ao conhecimento. / This thesis faces a traditional difficulty of the educational research, which is that of transmitting the pre-existing culture and maintaining the subject\'s right to share it in a non-dogmatic way. This difficulty is usually accompanied of dichotomies that have led us to either centralize the curriculum on the subject - which tends to suppress the school\'s role of transmitting culture, or either on the knowledge as an end in itself, which, in its turn, tends to suppress the subject\'s voice. After identifying that the current solutions proposed by liberal philosophies make a false inclusion of the subject in the curriculum, we claim for proposals that in fact include him (ethical proposals). Our main hypothesis is that this educational problem is founded on philosophical ones, and therefore we propose to dissolve it through the denaturalization of what we are used to call \'knowledge\' followed by a redefinition of the role of school in dialogue with different philosophies of education. In order to denaturalize knowledge, we perform a Wittgensteinian therapy of language in the context of physics with the aim both of dissolving the philosophical dichotomies and of collecting arguments for the general debate about the role of school. The therapy is performed through a pragmatic analysis of the language used by Newton and marginal creations from his mechanics made by the physicists André Assis, Julio Garavito and Ernst Mach. This methodology reflects the very nature of the difficulty, which is that of connecting \'universal\' and \'particular\'. The dialogue led us to redefine the meaning of \'cultural transmission\' and \'the voice of the subject\' in accordance both to the needs of our time and to the epistemological limitations of the content we choose to compose the school curriculum - which allowed us to escape the initial difficulty and to construct ethical and epistemological criteria to redefine the role of school. Based on the new meanings, we were able to redefine the role of school in a way that fits better our current condition: the role of decolonizing knowledge. In other words, contrary to what one thinks, the school has responsibility in the solving of social problems when it is related to the freeing of colonized minds, and in this way, it is responsible for contributing to the removal of knowledge from the hands of groups in control by demystifying it through disclosing the world-picture that gives support to it. This task can only be performed by the public school, the only compulsory institution for all and known for its close connection to knowledge.

La position de la France à l’égard de la question Libyenne 1943-1952Cette étude a pour but d’analyser et retracer l’évolution de la position de la France vis-à-vis d’une Libye unie et indépendante lorsque la France était l’un des décideurs du règlement de cette question, notamment avec sa présence au Fezzan (1943-1952). Nous avons montré, dans un premier temps, comment la position française était concentrée sur son empire et voulait faire des compromis en cette époque coloniale, en particulier avec l’Italie. La Seconde Guerre mondiale modifia la situation, une partie de la Libye devint française. La position française oscillait alors entre être pour ou contre l’indépendance. Les députés de l’Assemblée nationale française, ayant d’autres préoccupations, étaient peu intéressés par la question. La France avait compté sur des compromis de l’ONU qui se soldèrent par un échec. La solution fut d’accorder l’autonomie à chaque territoire composant la Libye. D’un côté, la France restait hostile à l’indépendance et de l’autre, elle voulait créer une Union française. Comprendre cette position d’une France à deux visages, l’un colonial et l’autre libre, face à cette question libyenne est le cœur de notre sujet. Enfin, l’échec des quatre puissances à trouver un accord commun ne fit qu’aggraver la politique de la France. L’ONU adopta une Résolution selon laquelle la France était contre l’indépendance depuis son installation au sud libyen. Il fut décidé qu’un commissaire aiderait la Libye à s’acheminer vers l’indépendance et à mettre en place des institutions gouvernementales. En conséquence, la France était hostile à l’indépendance, surtout à cette période. Elle craignait probablement soit de perdre son empire africain au profit des autres puissances, soit elle voulait organiser une politique qui lui assurât une belle sortie de ces territoires.Mots-clés : France, Libye, position, Seconde Guerre mondiale, indépendance, ONU, empire africain. / The position of France as regard the Libyan question 1943-1952This study aims at analysing and relating the evolution of the position of France towards a united independent Libya when France was one of the decision-makers to solve that issue, particularly with its presence on the Fezzan (1943-1952). We have shown at first how the French position was concentrated on its empire and wanted to make compromises at that colonial period with Italy. The Second World War modified the situation; a part of Libya became French. Thus, the French position oscillated between being for and against independence. The French representatives of the National Assembly having other concerns paid little interest in the issue. France had expected compromises with the UNO which were unsuccessful. The solution was to grant autonomy to each territory composing Libya. On the one hand, France stayed hostile to independence; on the other hand, they wanted to create a French union. Understanding the position of a two-faceted France, colonial and free, as to the Libyan issue is the crux of the matter. Lastly, the failure of the Four Allied Powers to find a common agreement only worsened French politics. The UNO adopted a Resolution according to which France had been against independence since its settlement in the south of Libya. It was decided that a commissioner would help Libya become independent and set up governmental institutions. Therefore, France was hostile to independence, above all at that period. They probably feared either to lose their African empire to the benefit of the other powers or they wanted to organise a policy that would assure them an excellent departure from those territories.Link words: France, Libya, position, The Second World War, independence, UNO, African empire.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-16T11:50:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Zélia Maria Cardoso Montal.pdf: 13216804 bytes, checksum: bdfcae6c69fa471def945825ccd88d34 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-16T11:50:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zélia Maria Cardoso Montal.pdf: 13216804 bytes, checksum: bdfcae6c69fa471def945825ccd88d34 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-24 / Although the idea of constitutionalism dates back to antiquity, the Constitutionalism in the form conceived today emerged as a political, social, philosophical and cultural movement to question the political domain and for the establishment of documents which consolidate liberal principles, aimed at countering the absolutism and seeking the limitation of Power the division of powers and the guarantee of rights. So, for Constitutionalism the aim lies in the protection that is won in favor of individuals, and the Constitution is the written document on which the legal system is based and reasoned, freedoms are declared, rights are established and limits of political power are set. The classic or liberal Constitutionalism, thought during the absolutist regime in the eighteenth century with the aim to recognize and make positive the rights of freedom and equality has evolved over the centuries and new rights were incorporated into the Constitutional Charters. Therefore we have new ways of conceiving Constitutionalism: liberal or classical, contemporary or neoconstitutionalism. Latin America, which was subjected to a colonization of exploitation, was forced to accept the determination of the metropolis, also with regard to the legal system and institutions. Thus, the Constitutionalism of Eurocentric and North American origin, by the colonizers imposed, was very distanced from the social, cultural experienced by the peoples of the region. This distance between the abyssal Latin American reality and the constitutional postulates, determined the rise of social movements, especially peoples of peasant indigenous origin - who had their cultures violently erased - movements that demand the rescue of their own history and recognition of their identities. Thus a constitutional movement appears to meet new social demands, which calls for another conception of the state with emphasis on plurinationality, on interculturalism, on legal pluralism and suggests an ecocentric turn, breaking the traditional anthropocentric logic and presenting the good life philosophy and the constitutionalisation of the rights of nature. The innovations introduced by this new thinking represent the way to a Decolonization Constitutionalism aiming at the emancipation of peoples of peasant indigenous origin and the achievement of a decent life in harmony, respect and balance with nature / Embora a ideia de Constitucionalismo remonte à Antiguidade, ele, na forma hoje concebida, surgiu como movimento político, social, filosófico e cultural para questionar o domínio político e destinado ao estabelecimento de documentos que consolidassem os princípios liberais, voltado a contrapor-se ao absolutismo e a buscar a limitação do Poder, a divisão de poderes e a garantia de direitos. Portanto, para o Constitucionalismo o fim está na proteção que se conquista em favor dos indivíduos, sendo a Constituição o documento escrito pelo qual a ordem jurídica é fundada e fundamentada, em que são declaradas as liberdades, instituídos os direitos e fixados os limites do poder político. O Constitucionalismo Clássico ou liberal, pensado durante o regime absolutista no século XVIII com o objetivo de reconhecer e positivar os direitos de liberdade e igualdade, evoluiu no decorrer dos séculos e novos direitos foram incorporados às Cartas Constitucionais. Bem por isso, têm-se novas formas de se conceber o Constitucionalismo: Liberal ou Clássico, Contemporâneo ou NeoConstitucionalismo. A América Latina, submetida que foi a uma colonização de exploração, viu-se obrigada a aceitar a determinação das metrópoles, inclusive no que se refere ao ordenamento jurídico e às instituições. Dessa forma, o Constitucionalismo, de origem eurocêntrica e norte-americana, imposto pelos colonizadores, muito se distanciava da realidade social e cultural vivenciada pelos povos da região. Essa distância abissal entre a realidade latino-americana e os postulados constitucionais determinou o surgimento de movimentos sociais, sobretudo dos povos originários indígenas campesinos – que tiveram suas culturas violentamente apagadas –, movimentos que reivindicam o resgate da própria história e o reconhecimento de suas identidades. Desponta, assim, para atender às novas demandas sociais, um movimento constitucional que preconiza outra concepção do Estado com ênfase na plurinacionalidade, na interculturalidade, no pluralismo jurídico e sugere uma virada ecocêntrica, rompendo a lógica antropocêntrica tradicional e apresentando a filosofia do bem viver e a constitucionalização dos direitos da natureza. As inovações introduzidas por este novo pensar representam o trilhar rumo a um Constitucionalismo Descolonizador objetivando a emancipação dos povos originários indígenas campesinos e a concretização de uma vida digna em harmonia, respeito e equilíbrio com a natureza

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Jose Barbosa.pdf: 2131825 bytes, checksum: eff96b5cf49e648eede182a1dc17e98a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis is aimed to investigate the history of Angola by approaching the violence and suffering caused by Portuguese colonization and decolonization, and by underlining the arrival of its first inhabitants, particularly regarding the tradition of honoring their ancestors in a heritage of belonging, which has somehow echoed in society nowadays. This study highlights the contentious relationship between the colonizer and the colonized due to disputes over land acquisition, a factor which led to violent conflicts between them, as well as to ongoing violence by Angolan political groups in the post-colonial period, eventually leading to the physical and moral devastation of the country. Thus, it also emphasizes the importance that death rites currently have in Angolan society. The results investigated herein show that the Portuguese metropolis explored and enslaved Angolan people through physical violence and colonial oppression, and later, in the period of decolonization, violence was driven by the pursuit of power, hence culminating in a civil war and in increased social inequality. All the suffering caused to the people was diminished during slavery through death rites driven by suicide, which was regarded as a legitimate way to draw them closer to their ancestors and to help relieve their suffering from the hardships of colonization. However, given the influence of the Catholic Church, the practice of suicide was no longer possible during the civil war, so this method was replaced by the funeral ritual as the main gateway to heaven and also as a way of honoring the ancestors in life. Therefore, the symbolic framework of death rituals is of major importance in society nowadays, as it demonstrates how this practice draws together people of any social level / Esta tese tem por questão investigativa abordar a história de Angola com ênfase na violência e no sofrimento a partir da colonização e descolonização de Portugal, ressaltando a chegada dos primeiros habitantes com destaque na tradição de honrar a sua ancestralidade como herança de pertencimento, que de alguma forma vem reverberando até a sociedade atual. A pesquisa ressalta a relação conflituosa entre colônia e colonizados pela aquisição da terra, fator esse gerador da prática da violência entre si, e também a continuidade da violência no período pós-colônia cometido pelos grupos políticos angolanos, levando o país a uma destruição física e moral, destacando também a importância que o rito de morte tem na atual sociedade angolana. Dentre os resultados investigados na pesquisa, aponta-se que a forma usada pela metrópole portuguesa para explorar e escravizar esse povo africano era a violência física através da opressão colonial e, posteriormente, no período da descolonização, a violência gerada pela busca do poder, culminando numa guerra civil e aumento da desigualdade social. Todo esse sofrimento, que foi causado ao povo, era arrefecido no período da escravatura através do rito de morte causado pelos suicídios, sendo essa uma forma legítima usada para traçar aproximação à ancestralidade, e de amenizar o sofrimento ante as agruras da colonização; entretanto, já no período da guerra civil, por influência da igreja católica, não era mais possível praticar o suicídio, sendo esse método agora trocado pelo ritual fúnebre como a principal conexão para chegar ao céu e também honrar a ancestralidade em vida, evidenciando, assim, a importância que o arcabouço simbólico do ritual de morte tem na atual sociedade, mostrando como essa prática une o povo em qualquer segmento da estrutura social