[pt] O ano de 2006 converteu-se para muitos num momento sem precedentes na história da Bolívia, marcado pela chegada ao poder de seu primeiro presidente indígena após um período de intensas mobilizações promovidas por uma maioria indígena e camponesa e que resultaram em mortes e na renúncia de dois presidentes. Neste sentido, a ascensão de Evo Morales à Presidência representou para estes atores coletivos a concretização de um processo de mudança mais profundo, pautado pela idéia de descolonização e que refletia o seu empoderamento após séculos de submissão ao colonizador, bem como à elite criolla e mestiça. Contudo a união entre estes grupos indígenas e camponeses e sua aliança com o governo são colocadas à prova ao longo do processo em meio à reconstrução do Estado, à reconfiguração do cenário político-social boliviano e à percepção entre alguns de um autoritarismo da parte governamental. Neste trabalho, procuramos entender como as relações entre os distintos protagonistas do processo, caracterizados por identidades étnicas e classistas, são expressas na Bolívia neste inicio de século, analisando a permanência de uma mentalidade e de práticas coloniais entre os mesmos. / [en] The year of 2006 might be interpreted as an unprecedented moment in Bolivian history, marked by the election of its first indigenous president over a period of intense mobilization. Organized by a majority composed of indigenous and peasant groups, the protests resulted in many deaths and the resignation of two presidents. In that sense, Evo Morales emergence to the Presidency represented to these collective actors the achievement of a deeper process of change, characterized by the idea of decolonization, reflecting those groups empowerment after centuries of submission to the colonizer and the creolle and mestizo elite as well. Nevertheless, the ties between indigenous and peasants organizations and their alliance with the government were put in check in the course of events, distinguished by the refoundation of the Bolivian State, the rebuilding of the political scene and what was perceived as a tyrannical position on the part of governmental authorities. In this work, we intend to understand how relations among decolonization protagonists, self-identified according their ethnicity and class affiliation, are expressed in Bolivia at the beginning of this century. We investigate the permanence of a colonial mentality and its practices during the process.

This dissertation argues that works of literature offer a valuable critical supplement to historical and legal accounts of colonial violence, due to the common investment of literary texts in thematizing moral complexity and complicity, and by drawing attention to intimate and social forms of harm that might otherwise go unaccounted for. Following the recent successful lawsuit against the British government by elderly Kenyans who survived torture in the 1950s, as well as recent historical scholarship on the colonial government's brutal counterinsurgency, I argue that the paradigmatic anticolonial event commonly referred to as the “Mau Mau” uprising has been reframed in terms of a series of grave human rights abuses. I examine the diverse ways in which the Mau Mau struggle has been figured in narrative fiction, focusing on works by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o, Yvonne Adhiambo Owuor, Marjorie Oludhe Macgoye, and the white supremacist Robert Ruark. The dissertation shows literary texts to be sites of distinct forms of knowledge concerning the harms of political violence. My readings demonstrate that fictions of Mau Mau have figured that crisis as both a crime that demands urgent redress and an event whose damage is permanent and irreparable, each text staging in distinct ways the structuring paradox of historical reparation as an impossible ethical demand that must nonetheless be insisted upon. I think of reparations claims as radical decolonizing demands, countering recent critiques of the “politics of reparations” as a liberal departure from properly emancipationist thinking.

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-04-11T11:23:25Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Victor Hugo Basílio Nunes - 2018.pdf: 2011416 bytes, checksum: 38e3920bec8b1e2f188935a2656ca96a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-04-11T11:25:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Victor Hugo Basílio Nunes - 2018.pdf: 2011416 bytes, checksum: 38e3920bec8b1e2f188935a2656ca96a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-11T11:25:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Victor Hugo Basílio Nunes - 2018.pdf: 2011416 bytes, checksum: 38e3920bec8b1e2f188935a2656ca96a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work is carried out by the candomblé Ilê Oju Odé terreiro (cult-house), located at Machado de Assis Street, 37th, neighborhood Cidade Satélite São Luís, Aparecida de Goiânia-GO, and in the spaces where this terreiro (cult-house) operates through Afoxé Omo Odé and the organization of the Goian Forum of Religions of African Matrix. Our main objective is to think of how the work of Ilê Oju Odé, through Afoxé and the Forum, enables the valorization of the Afrodescendant cultural contribution, creates a space for political discussion in which the terreiro becomes a space of signification of life. The daily coexistence with this community has shown us the complexity of this social reality, marked by a relationship of sociability that is close to that observed by Catherine Walsh (2013) when she says that decolonial pedagogies produce "intersubjectivity, mutual recognition, subaltern solidarity." In this way religion and political organization are mixed in the quest to find solutions to the problems created by a racist society, which gives rise to the need to organize the terreiros (cult-houses). The reflections of Carlos Rodrigues Brandão (1999) guided us to define participatory research as one of the methodologies of our work. At first we seek to understand the inner perspective, the point of view of the individuals about the situations that they live. We understand, as Brandão (1999), that it is the social reality with which we face that must determine the methodological strategies, and that the method is not something ready and finished and can be constructed together with the investigation of social reality. The other methodological resource to which we have recourse, oral history, served as our research since, in order to resort to the speech of our interviewees, we aim to achieve with maximum clarity the experience of organization against the colonial matrix of power, which articulates the social and epistemic marginalization, subordinating knowledge and populations, as in the example of candomblé. We believe that our objective was achieved through the semi-structured interview, taking into account that the interview allows a study on the reporting of the facts, filtered by the subjectivity of the interviewees. The theoretical perspective that we use to dialogue with our sources consisted in the debate conducted by the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality group. The research showed us that if we want we can think a relationship between the candomblé and the reflections raised by this group. We can affirm, from the experience in the terreiro (cult-house) surveyed, that candomblé constitutes as alternative knowledge to the matrix of colonial thought, or using the concept of Walsh (2013) as an example of a "decolonial pedagogy". Finally, the conclusion of this master's thesis confirmed the hypotheses we raised at the beginning of our research: the performance of Ilê Oju Odé is characterized as a decolonization practice, since, through the Forum and Afoxé, it organizes the community of the terreiros (cult-houses) de candomblé de Goiânia and metropolitan region in the fight against racism, religious intolerance and the invisibility imposed on the practitioners of this religion in the society of Goiás. Our research has shown us that there is a significant level of individual awareness, a political project. A study like this can contribute to perceive decoloniality as an alternative proposition to the hegemonic epistemologies that support Eurocentred social models and relations, presenting to the academic community and to society as a whole knowledge that has been historically subordinated, as in the case of candomblé. Perhaps we can say that the Forum and the Afoxé allow the members of the terreiros (cult-houses) to read the world from themselves, their values and propose something. Through the interviews and coexistence we could conclude that the Forum is an organization of the terreiros to defend their interests, solving their problems through political and social articulations. The Forum and Afoxé have been establishing themselves as a political organization and have stood out in order to present candomblé for the society of Goiás and to claim its space in it. / Este trabalho se desenvolve junto ao terreiro de candomblé Ilê Oju Odé, situado na Rua Machado de Assis, chácara 37, Cidade Satélite São Luís, em Aparecida de Goiânia-GO, e nos espaços de atuação deste terreiro através do Afoxé Omo Odé e da organização do Fórum Goiano de Religiões de Matriz Africana. Nosso objetivo principal é pensar de que forma a atuação do Ilê Oju Odé, por meio do Afoxé e do Fórum, possibilita a valorização do aporte cultural afrodescendente, cria um espaço de discussão política no qual o terreiro se torna um espaço de ressignificação da vida. A convivência diária com esta comunidade nos mostrou a complexidade desta realidade social, marcada por uma relação de sociabilidade que se aproxima da observada por Catherine Walsh (2013) ao afirmar que as pedagogias decoloniais produzem uma “intersubjetividade, reconhecimento mútuo, solidariedade subalterna”. Desta forma religião e organização política se misturam na busca de encontrar saídas para os problemas criados por uma sociedade racista, o que faz surgir à necessidade de organização dos terreiros. As reflexões de Carlos Rodrigues Brandão (1999) nos orientaram no sentido de definir a pesquisa participante como uma das metodologias do nosso trabalho. Num primeiro momento buscamos compreender a perspectiva interna, o ponto de vista dos indivíduos acerca das situações que vivem. Compreendemos assim como Brandão (1999) que é a realidade social com a qual nos deparamos que deve determinar as estratégias metodológicas, e que o método não é algo pronto e acabado podendo ser construído junto com a investigação da realidade social. O outro recurso metodológico ao qual recorremos, a história oral, serviu à nossa pesquisa uma vez que, objetivamos, ao recorrer à fala de nossos entrevistados, atingir com o máximo de clareza a experiência de organização contra a matriz colonial do poder, que articula a marginalização social e epistêmica, subalternizando saberes e populações, como no exemplo do candomblé. Acreditamos que nosso objetivo foi alcançado por meio da entrevista semiestruturada, levando em consideração que a entrevista possibilita um estudo sobre o relato dos fatos, filtrados pela subjetividade dos entrevistados. A perspectiva teórica que utilizamos para dialogar com nossas fontes consistiu no debate conduzido pelo grupo modernidade/colonialidade/decolonialidade. A pesquisa nos mostrou que se quisermos podemos pensar uma relação entre o candomblé e as reflexões levantadas por este grupo. Podemos afirmar, a partir da experiência no terreiro pesquisado, que o candomblé se constitui como conhecimento alternativo à matriz do pensamento colonial, ou utilizando o conceito de Walsh (2013) como exemplo de uma “pedagogia decolonial”. Por fim, a conclusão dessa dissertação de mestrado confirmou as hipóteses que levantamos no início de nossa pesquisa: a atuação do Ilê Oju Odé se caracteriza como prática de descolonização, uma vez que através do Fórum e do Afoxé, organiza a comunidade dos terreiros de candomblé de Goiânia e região metropolitana no combate ao racismo, à intolerância religiosa e a invisibilização imposta aos praticantes dessa religião na sociedade goiana. Nossa pesquisa nos mostrou que há um nível significativo de conscientização dos indivíduos, um projeto político. Um estudo como esse pode contribuir para se perceber a decolonialidade como proposição alternativa às epistemologias hegemônicas que sustentam modelos e relações sociais eurocentrados, apresentando para a comunidade acadêmica e para a sociedade como um todo saberes que foram historicamente subalternizados, como no caso do candomblé. Talvez possamos dizer que o Fórum e o Afoxé possibilitam aos membros dos terreiros lerem o mundo a partir de si, dos seus valores e proporem algo. Por meio das entrevistas e da convivência pudemos concluir que o Fórum é uma organização dos terreiros para defender seus interesses, resolvendo seus problemas por intermédio de articulações políticas e sociais. O Fórum e o Afoxé vêm se constituindo como organização política e se destacando no sentido de apresentar o candomblé para a sociedade goiana e reivindicar seu espaço nela.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Jose Barbosa.pdf: 2131825 bytes, checksum: eff96b5cf49e648eede182a1dc17e98a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis is aimed to investigate the history of Angola by approaching the violence and suffering caused by Portuguese colonization and decolonization, and by underlining the arrival of its first inhabitants, particularly regarding the tradition of honoring their ancestors in a heritage of belonging, which has somehow echoed in society nowadays. This study highlights the contentious relationship between the colonizer and the colonized due to disputes over land acquisition, a factor which led to violent conflicts between them, as well as to ongoing violence by Angolan political groups in the post-colonial period, eventually leading to the physical and moral devastation of the country. Thus, it also emphasizes the importance that death rites currently have in Angolan society. The results investigated herein show that the Portuguese metropolis explored and enslaved Angolan people through physical violence and colonial oppression, and later, in the period of decolonization, violence was driven by the pursuit of power, hence culminating in a civil war and in increased social inequality. All the suffering caused to the people was diminished during slavery through death rites driven by suicide, which was regarded as a legitimate way to draw them closer to their ancestors and to help relieve their suffering from the hardships of colonization. However, given the influence of the Catholic Church, the practice of suicide was no longer possible during the civil war, so this method was replaced by the funeral ritual as the main gateway to heaven and also as a way of honoring the ancestors in life. Therefore, the symbolic framework of death rituals is of major importance in society nowadays, as it demonstrates how this practice draws together people of any social level / Esta tese tem por questão investigativa abordar a história de Angola com ênfase na violência e no sofrimento a partir da colonização e descolonização de Portugal, ressaltando a chegada dos primeiros habitantes com destaque na tradição de honrar a sua ancestralidade como herança de pertencimento, que de alguma forma vem reverberando até a sociedade atual. A pesquisa ressalta a relação conflituosa entre colônia e colonizados pela aquisição da terra, fator esse gerador da prática da violência entre si, e também a continuidade da violência no período pós-colônia cometido pelos grupos políticos angolanos, levando o país a uma destruição física e moral, destacando também a importância que o rito de morte tem na atual sociedade angolana. Dentre os resultados investigados na pesquisa, aponta-se que a forma usada pela metrópole portuguesa para explorar e escravizar esse povo africano era a violência física através da opressão colonial e, posteriormente, no período da descolonização, a violência gerada pela busca do poder, culminando numa guerra civil e aumento da desigualdade social. Todo esse sofrimento, que foi causado ao povo, era arrefecido no período da escravatura através do rito de morte causado pelos suicídios, sendo essa uma forma legítima usada para traçar aproximação à ancestralidade, e de amenizar o sofrimento ante as agruras da colonização; entretanto, já no período da guerra civil, por influência da igreja católica, não era mais possível praticar o suicídio, sendo esse método agora trocado pelo ritual fúnebre como a principal conexão para chegar ao céu e também honrar a ancestralidade em vida, evidenciando, assim, a importância que o arcabouço simbólico do ritual de morte tem na atual sociedade, mostrando como essa prática une o povo em qualquer segmento da estrutura social

abstract: Abstract   Everyday living, as an Indigenous person, is an act of resistance. On December 21, 2012, there was a national day of action that included rallies and demonstrations happening all over the world to stand in solidarity with First Nations Indigenous peoples in Canada under the banner Idle No More (INM). The pressure of the movement all came to an end after the cooptation from a few First Nation leadership on January 11, 2013. Despite the failures, the INM movement brought hope, the urgency to act, and ideas of the decolonization and resurgence process. This movement was educational in focus and with that, there is the need to explore essential roles to advance Indigenous resistance to ensure Indigenous liberation. Here I explore the role of the intellectual, and in particular three scholars who provide next level warriorship. Their contributions redirected the conceptualization of decolonization to a process of resurgence. In this manner, authentic Indigenous nationhood is possible. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis American Indian Studies 2018

Since the 1980s, there has been an increasing emphasis on drama, in live theatre and on film, which re-addresses the ways in which the post-colonial histories of Australia and New Zealand have been written. Why is there such a focus on �historical� drama in these countries at the end of the twentieth century and what does this drama contribute to wider debates about post-colonial history? This thesis aims both to explore the connections between drama and history, and to analyse the interface between live and recorded drama. In order to discuss these issues, I have used the work of theatre and film critics and historians, supplemented by reference to writers working in the field of post-colonial and performance theory. In particular, I have utilised the methods of Helen Gilbert and Joanne Tompkins in Post-Colonial Drama: Theory, Practice, Politics, beginning with their claim that in the post-colonial situation history has been seen to determine reality itself. I have also drawn on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Linda Hutcheon and Guy Debord who question the �truth� value of official history-writing and emphasize the role of representation in determining popular perceptions of the past. This discussion is developed through reference to contemporary performance theory, particularly the work of Richard Schechner and Marvin Carlson, in order to suggest that there is no clear separation between performance and reality, and that access to history is only possible through re-enactments of it, whether in written or performative forms. Chapter One is a survey of the development of �historical� drama in theatre and film from New Zealand and Australia. This includes discussion of the diverse cultural and performative traditions which influence this drama, and establishment of the critical methodologies to be used in the thesis. Chapter Two examines four plays which are intercultural re-writings of canonical texts from the European dramatic tradition. In this chapter I analyse the formal and thematic strategies in each of these plays in relation to the source texts, and ask to what extent they function as canonical counter-discourse by offering a critique of the assumptions of the earlier play from a post-colonial perspective. The potential of dramatic representation in forming perceptions of reality has made it an attractive forum for Maori and Aboriginal artists, who are creating theatre which has both a political and a pedagogical function. This discussion demonstrates that much of the impetus towards historiographic drama in both countries has come from Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors working in collaboration with white practitioners. Such collaborations not only advance the project of historiographic drama, but also may form the basis of future theatre practice which departs from the Western tradition and is unique to each of New Zealand and Australia. In Chapter Three I explore the interface between live and recorded performance by comparing plays and films which dramatise similar historical material. I consider the relative effectiveness of theatre and film as media for historiographic critique. I suggest that although film often has a greater cultural impact than theatre, to date live theatre has been a more accessible form of expression for Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors. Furthermore, following theorists such as Brecht and Brook, I argue that such aspects as the presence of the live performer and the design of the physical space shared by actors and audience give theatre considerable potential for creating an immediate engagement with historiographic themes. In Chapter Four, I discuss two contrasting examples of recorded drama in order to highlight the potential of film and television as media for historiographic critique. I question the divisions between the documentary and dramatic genres, and use Derrida�s notion of play to suggest that there is a constant slippage between the dramatic and the real, between the past and the present. In Chapter Five, I summarize the arguments advanced in previous chapters, using the example of the national museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa, to illustrate that the �performance� of history has become part of popular culture. Like the interactive displays at Te Papa, the texts studied in this thesis demonstrate that dramatic representation has the potential to re-define perceptions of historical �reality�. With its superior capacity for creating illusion, film is a dynamic medium for exploring the imaginative process of history is that in the live performance the spectator symbolically comes into the presence of the past.

This thesis contributes to the literature on language revitalization, a hopeful branch of research that counters the foreboding conclusions of language shift studies. It is based on data collected in May, 1998, at Cumberland House, an Aboriginal community in northeastern Saskatchewan. Fifty-five community members participated in six focus groups organized by the following criteria: administrators, school board trustees, elders, parents, students and teachers. These research participants expressed their vision, expectations, and needs related to an Aboriginal Language Immersion Pilot Program proposed by the Northern Lights School Division. Community members envisioned an education that contributes to their children's Cree and Anglo-Canadian bicultural competence. They expected the Cree immersion program in the provincial school would develop their children's Cree and English bilingual fluency. They needed training, administrative support, materials and ongoing communication between school and community. Factors that instill a sense of optimism about this language revitalization effort, include the role and status of the school, and the strong bonds of kinship and friendship in this community context. The process and content of the research project records the development and product of a research relationship between Aboriginal people. It attests to the value of community involvement in language planning and illustrates the beneficial attributes of community-based participatory action research. Overall, the thesis informs the topic of decolonization at the personal, community, and institutional level.

This thesis argues that the state apparatus has failed to provide Africans with a culturally compatible form of governance. The state is a product of colonial origin, and thus, has failed to resonate with Indigenous African spirituality, moral consciousness or political tradition. By grounding my argument in the Eritrean context, I make the case that the Eritrean state – not unlike other African states – is failing in three fundamental ways. First, it is oppressive towards Indigenous institutions of governance, particularly the village baito practiced in the rural highlands of Eritrea. Second, the state promotes a national identity that has been arbitrarily formed and colonially imposed in place of Indigenous ones, such as those formed around regional or linguistic groupings. Lastly, because the Eritrean state is a rather new phenomenon that suffers from a crisis of legitimacy, it inevitably falls back on processes of violence, coercion and control to assert its authority.

This thesis argues that the state apparatus has failed to provide Africans with a culturally compatible form of governance. The state is a product of colonial origin, and thus, has failed to resonate with Indigenous African spirituality, moral consciousness or political tradition. By grounding my argument in the Eritrean context, I make the case that the Eritrean state – not unlike other African states – is failing in three fundamental ways. First, it is oppressive towards Indigenous institutions of governance, particularly the village baito practiced in the rural highlands of Eritrea. Second, the state promotes a national identity that has been arbitrarily formed and colonially imposed in place of Indigenous ones, such as those formed around regional or linguistic groupings. Lastly, because the Eritrean state is a rather new phenomenon that suffers from a crisis of legitimacy, it inevitably falls back on processes of violence, coercion and control to assert its authority.

The exploratory study focused on First Nation students and First Nation education counsellors within Ontario. Using an interpretative approach, the research sought to determine the relevance of the counsellors as a potentially influencing factor in the students’ post-secondary program choices. The ability of First Nation education counsellors to be influential is a consequence of their role since they administer Post-Secondary Student Support Program (PSSSP) funding. A report evaluating the program completed by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada in 2005 found that many First Nation students would not have been able to achieve post-secondary educational levels without PSSSP support. Eight self-selected First Nation Education counsellors and twenty-nine First Nation post-secondary students participated in paper surveys, and five students and one counsellor agreed to complete a follow-up interview. The quantitative and qualitative results revealed differences in the perceptions of the two survey groups as to whether First Nation education counsellors influenced students’ post-secondary program choices. Students perceived themselves to be their greatest influence, while the counsellors felt their influence was greater once students made their program decisions, through encouragement and follow up support. The study raised questions regarding challenges faced by First Nation education counsellors to provide consistent academic, personal and cultural/social supports to their sponsored students. While the study suggested the role of First Nation education counsellors had evolved little from its original financial-administrative role and toward a more rounded offering including interpersonal, academic and cultural supports, in keeping with an educational decolonization process, counsellors face chronic program under funding and are under-staffed. To enhance First Nation students’ academic success, federal and provincial governments and First Nations are encouraged to further support First Nation education counsellors with greater training opportunities (expansion of the Ontario Native Education Counselling Association’s Native Counsellor Training Program), a higher ratio of counsellors to students, and support and promotion of their ability to provide interpersonal and academic counselling. The study challenged First Nation education counsellors to seek more opportunities to maintain consistent engagement with their students, especially with more autonomous or older students. First Nation students were also challenged to seek more from their counsellors than sponsorship.