Violence against Native women in Canada is widespread and has deeply systemic and colonial roots. This paper will attempt to show the role that dominant representations of culture, race, and gender have in allowing this violence to continue by eclipsing many different narratives and ways of expressing cultural and individual identities. Violence in the mainstream media will be explored and analyzed drawing on concepts from critical theories, Aboriginal epistemological frameworks, and anti-racist, disability, and Afro-centric feminisms to build a framework on which to analyze the meanings of the representations. After exploring violent and colonial discourse, the discussion will turn to art. Self and cultural representation and expression by Native women can act as important forms of resistance to the tools of colonial oppression. The artwork of Rebecca Belmore and Shelley Niro are powerful examples of addressing and exploring issues of identity, culture, resistance, and survival for Aboriginal women.

In a world of increasing religious/political tensions and conflicts this study asks, what is the transformative significance of an arts and ritual-based approach to developing and encouraging women’s spiritual and multi-faith leadership? To counter destructive worldviews and practices that have divided people historically, politically, personally and sacredly, the study reinforces the political and spiritual value of women spiritual and multi-faith leaders creating and holding sacred space for truth making and world making. An a/r/tographic and mindful inquiry was engaged to assist self and group reflection within a group of women committed to multi-faith education and leadership in their communities. The objectives of the study were: 1) to explore through collaboration, ritual and art making processes the women’s experience of knowing and not knowing, 2) to articulate a curriculum for multi-faith consciousness raising, and 3) to develop a pedagogy and methodology that can serve as a catalyst for individual and societal change and transformation. The co-participants/co-inquirers (including the lead researcher as a member of the group) are fourteen women, who practice within eleven different religions and/or spiritual backgrounds, and who are part of a volunteer planning team that organizes an annual women’s multi-faith conference (Women’s Spirituality Celebration) in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. The aesthetic/ritual structure of the labyrinth served as a cross-cultural multi-faith symbol in guiding the dissertation, which includes three art installations and four documentary DVDs of the process and art. New understandings found in the study include: 1) the ethical sanctuary that a/r/tography as ritual enables for personal and collective change to take place within, 2) the addition of synecdoche to the renderings of a/r/tography, assisting a multi-dimensional spiral movement towards a whole a/r/tographic practice, 3) a lived and radically relational curriculum of philetics within loving community that drew forth the women’s erotic life force energy and enhanced the women’s ability to remember the power of the feminine aspect of the Divine, and 4) the decolonization of the Divine, art and education, which took place as a pedagogy of wholeness unfolded, requiring a dialectic relationship between restorative and transformative learning.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Michigan State University. Dept. of Rhetoric and Writing, 2008. / Title page also has title printed in Cherokee syllabics. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on July 10, 2009) Includes bibliographical references (p. 281-290). Also issued in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--Acadia University, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-111). Also available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

O complexo fenômeno de descolonização em Angola gerou o deslocamento de parte de ex-colonos portugueses e seus descendentes, os luso-angolanos, para o Brasil, caracterizando, assim, uma diáspora. Através das histórias de vida colhidas por meio de depoimentos são retratados os conflitos existenciais próprios da condição migratória e, particularmente, os conflitos deste grupo no contexto do desligamento da sociedade angolana, num momento crítico e de profunda transformação provocada pelo rompimento com o regime colonial. As memórias dos depoentes abarcam o período de vivência em Angola e seu enraizamento no Brasil, num trabalho de reconstrução que possibilite uma leitura fenomenológica. / Due to the complex decolonization phenomenon in Angola there is a diaspora configured by the emigration of part of Portuguese ex-settlers and their descendents, called luso-angolanos, to Brazil. The existential conflicts inherent to migration condition are presented throughout testimonies, particularly herein of those that experienced the rupture with Angolan society in profound transformation caused by the circumstances of disruption to colonial system. The deponents memories includes both periods of residence in Angola and their adaptation in Brazil, a reconstruction work in order to turn possible a phenomenological lecture.

In 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission made their final recommendations for Canadian society to address cultural genocide: by affirming stories of survivors, taking personal and professional inventory of their practices and making concrete steps to meet the Calls to Action. In particular, the TRC recognized damage done by museums and art galleries to perpetuate colonialism and yet, believed that these institutions could be sites of justice, particularly in relation to arts and artists The Art Gallery of Greater Victoria, an institution steeped in colonialism and under pressure to create accountable relationships with Indigenous communities, began to act by revamping their education program for school age children entitled the Gallery in the Schools art program. My study asked Indigenous artists and educators to contribute their ideas for a new art program. I used a blended research of community based and decolonizing research models, contextualized within decolonizing and critical theoretical frameworks. Overall, research findings suggest that process is as important as the end product in the context of reconciliation and decolonization. Significantly, relationships were esteemed over the concept of reconciliation. These finding further imply that a successful art program would ground pedagogical content within a critical historical framework, be informed by a fluid understanding of identity and search out possibilities of hope. The theoretical implications of this study support increased contributions by Indigenous artists as key policy makers, who will challenge the deeply embedded power structures of institutions and offer alternative ways to share power and support Indigenous envisioned futures. / Graduate

This thesis examines the lives of Senior Chief Koinange wa Mbiyu and his eldest son, Peter Mbiyu Koinange. It joins with the growing rise of biographical work within African Studies. It challenges the historical understanding of late colonial rule in Kenya and the role of official myth in pre- and post-independence historical narratives. Koinange wa Mbiyu was the patriarch of one of the most respected, wealthy, and politically influential Kikuyu families of Kenya's colonial and post-colonial period. His eldest son, Peter Mbiyu, received a prestigious education abroad and returned to Kenya where he became a prominent leader for African independent education African political action. Koinange and Peter bear frequent mention in academic discussions of collaboration, discontent, nationalism, and militancy in Kenya's colonial era. This thesis challenges the widely held narrative that Koinange and Peter embraced militant politics opposing colonial rule during the 1940s. While fitting larger understandings of decolonisation, it is not an honest depiction of the Koinange's political actions. As a result, this thesis is intentionally a work of revisionist history that looks to the profound changes in the culture and nature of colinal rule during the 1940s, rather than a political shift in the Koinanges. In addition to challenging the prevalent understanding of Koinange and Peter's political action, this thesis raises a number of areas - gender, wealth, elite and family dynamics, to name a few - where the Koinange family history would further illuminate the historical understanding of the colonial era. This thesis is a dual biography, crafted as a work of narrative history. It challenges a breadth of current scholarship, utilizing the largest collection of pre-Mau Mau archival records to date. This thesis engages with a number of historiographical challenges related to biography, the individual, the family, and the challenges of oral history shaped in the crucible of cultural crisis.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-06-20Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:36:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 aranibar_cpl_me_prud.pdf: 1884404 bytes, checksum: 1844f77494c24c0f16fd0cbcf7fefea4 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O objetivo da pesquisa é analisar o processo da descolonização/desabigarramiento do território desde as lutas e resistências dos povos e desde um campo político, a Assembléia Constituinte (2006-2008), onde a disputa do território é a base da construção da sociedade e do estado na Bolívia. O estudo coloca o analise no momento constitutivo, o qual surge das lutas anticoloniais e anticapitalistas que põem a crise o modelo do estado e da sociedade, onde o epicentro destas lutas e o mundo agrário, cujos tecidos societários comunitários e outras formas de organização interpelam o núcleo da dominação (TAPIA, 2005) colocando no debate a compreensão unilinear do território como dispositivo da dominação. A abordagem deste debate inicia-se na compreensão da Bolívia como uma formação social abigarrada (ZAVALETA, 1986), expressado em um estado e um território monocultural que se cimenta sobre a diversidade territorial pré-existente ao fato da invasão. O processo desencadeado pelos povos planteia avançar no desabigarramento do território, colocando em debate a compreensão do território único e a qualidade política como condição inerente só ao estado / The goal of the research is to analyze the territory decolonization process from the resistance and struggle of the indigenous people, as from a political field, the Constituent Assembly (2006-2008), where the territory dispute is the basis for building the society and state in Bolivia. This study places its analysis in the constituent moment, located in the anticapitalist and anticolonial fights that shows the model of society and state crisis, where the center of these fights is the agrarian world, whose social community texture and other forms of organization challenge the very center of dominance (TAPIA, 2005), placing a debate over the unilateral understanding of the territory as a dispositive of dominance. The approach to this debate begins with the understanding that Bolivia has an abigarrada social formation (ZAVALETA, 1986), which in turn produce a monocultural estate and territory overlapped on the pre-existing territorial diversity to the fact of invasion. The process initiated by the indigenous people looks forward to strengthening the territory decolonization process, facing the debate over the unique understanding of territory and its political quality only as a state intrinsic condition / El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar el proceso de descolonización/desabigarramiento del territorio desde las luchas y resistencias de los pueblos como desde un campo político, la Asamblea Constituyente (2006/2008), que disputa el territorio como base de la construcción de la sociedad y el estado en Bolivia. El estudio sitúa su análisis en un momento constitutivo, que se constituye a partir de las luchas anticoloniales y anticapitalistas que ponen en crisis al modelo de estado y sociedad, donde el epicentro de estas luchas es el mundo agrario, que a través de sus tejidos societales comunitarios y otras formas de organización han interpelado el núcleo de la dominación (TAPIA, 2005) poniendo en debate la comprensión unilineal del territorio como dispositivo de la dominación. Abordamos este debate partiendo de la comprensión de que Bolivia tiene una formación social abigarrada (ZAVALETA, 1986), que da paso a la formación de un estado y territorio monocultural que se ancla sobre la diversidad territorial preexistente al hecho de la invasión. El proceso desatado por los pueblos plantea avanzar en el desabigarramiento del territorio, poniendo en debate la comprensión de territorio único y de la cualidad política como condición intrínseca solo al estado

Submitted by MAXWELL MARTINS null (maxwell.unesp@gmail.com) on 2016-06-08T13:25:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MAXWELL-MARTINS.pdf: 3404092 bytes, checksum: 8ba5d964afb78db8b5afa277f5eeed97 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-06-09T16:12:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 martins_m_me_arafcl.pdf: 3404092 bytes, checksum: 8ba5d964afb78db8b5afa277f5eeed97 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-09T16:12:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 martins_m_me_arafcl.pdf: 3404092 bytes, checksum: 8ba5d964afb78db8b5afa277f5eeed97 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-29 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Ciente do desafio que constitui a compreensão do complexo e multifacetado envolvimento dos chineses em África, a partir de uma visão das Ciências Sociais no Brasil, nossa proposta é de investigar, registrar e compreender parte de um dos encontros civilizatórios mais antigos e menos conhecidos do mundo: as relações afro-orientais, mais especificamente a participação e o envolvimento dos chineses nos processos de descolonização e reconquista da independência de Angola. Busca-se, portanto, evidenciar os canais decisórios efetivos, e não somente formais, da contribuição chinesa entre os anos de 1960 a 1975, como forma de promover e/ou acelerar a descolonização e reconquista da independência do povo angolano. / Aware of the challenge of understanding the complex and multifaceted Chinese involvement in Africa, from a vision of Social Sciences in Brazil, our proposal is to investigate, record and understand part of one of the oldest civilizational encounters and less known to the world: the African – Eastern relations, specifically the participation and involvement of Chinese in the decolonization process and regaining independence of Angola. Search, therefore, show the effective decision-making channels, not just formal, of the Chinese contribution in the years 1960 to 1975, in order to promote and / or accelerate the decolonization and reconquest of independence the Angolan people. / FAPESP: 2014/24702-7

Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2015-10-19T20:43:38Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Ludimila Stival Cardoso - 2015.pdf: 3817230 bytes, checksum: 46564422564b45b15babfcf03a3f277a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-10-20T11:07:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Ludimila Stival Cardoso - 2015.pdf: 3817230 bytes, checksum: 46564422564b45b15babfcf03a3f277a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-20T11:07:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Ludimila Stival Cardoso - 2015.pdf: 3817230 bytes, checksum: 46564422564b45b15babfcf03a3f277a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-12 / This thesis sought to analyze the presence and social participation of Brazilian foreign policy. We begin our analysis with an investigation of the dichotomy of Prospero and Caliban, two characters within William Shakespeare's play, "The Tempest" (1611), viewed by post-colonial thinkers as representative of the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized. For this thesis, these characters represent the distance between Brazilian foreign policy and Brazilian society. The first, Prospero, is symbolic of those thriving and in power, while the second, Caliban, is symbolic of those whose humanity has been removed by the prerogative of European domination, but who nevertheless resist domination (resist decolonization). We understand that what was needed was a "swing decolonization" in our thesis, so we discussed the prospect of "coloniality of power," of which we believe America, through the Atlantic trade route, to have been a constituent part of the training of the world system. Therefore, the world system and modern capitalism would also be considered colonial. But the "coloniality of power" is related, in particular, to a process that degrades a portion of the indigenous population, such as blacks, and also degrades women, due to their phenotypes, i.e., it is linked to the concept of "race" ("coloniality of being"), as well as to the knowledge of other ("coloniality of knowledge"), and to forms of spirituality and its relationship with nature ("coloniality of nature"). In other words, these strata would be lower than both ontological and epistemological orientation. These initial analyzes led us to revisit historical periods prior to the focus of this thesis: in particular, the time between the Proclamation of the Republic (1889) and the Vargas Era (1930 - 1945). We therefore arrive at colonization, the first contacts between the indigenous peoples and Europeans (Portuguese), the Iberian Union (1580 - 1640), the Portuguese Restoration (1640), and Independence (1822). This process and path has helped us understand how society and the Brazilian State itself is structured. The first is based on the "myth" of territorial greatness; and the second, by pressing the marks of inferiority, we discuss a perspective from the "coloniality of power" and an analysis, even incidentally, of various interpreters of Brazil. We reflect also on the indigenist policy undertaken since the colonial period until the institution of the Republic (1889) arriving in the Vargas (1930 - 1945). We realized with these analyzes that the objective of the Brazilian State was, mainly, to integrate the indigenous population into national communion, transforming it into a labor force, in addition to using it as a protector of borders. At this point, indigenous politics and foreign policy intersect, since one of the main scopes of the latter would be to ensure the safety of the Brazilian territory and, when possible, to enlarge it. We start, then, with an analysis of the reports of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1889 and 1945. After analysis of this documentation, we explore the importance of the integrity of the territory for the Brazilian State, and examine also the existence of a speech in which Brazil appears as an advocate of the principles of a civilization whose political model is epistemic of a social and cultural conscience of the West. A speech that, in addition to addressing other issues, presents the presence and participation of a population contingent upon other ways of life, and other social and economic organization, i.e. indigenous and black. Still, it is an exception, this democratic deficit and participation has changed, to some extent, in the 1980s, when the social movements began to be interested in international affairs, by way of the fight for the maintenance of labor rights, at risk to deregulation of the labor market and a measure of economic liberalization. This process is, however, under construction and depends on an intercultural dialog, which makes the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its area of operation the place of intersection and connection. / Esta tese procurou analisar a presença e participação social na política externa brasileira. Começamos nossas análises tendo como mote investigativo a dicotomia Próspero/Caliban, duas personagens da peça A tempestade (1611) de Willian Shakespeare, vistas por pensadores pós-coloniais como a representação das relações entre colonizador e colonizado. Para esta tese, essas personagens poderiam significar distância entre a política externa e a sociedade brasileira. A primeira ligada ao Próspero e a segunda ao Caliban, aquele ser do qual é retirado a prerrogativa de humanidade pelo domínio europeu, mas que resiste à dominação (resistência decolonial). Compreendemos que era necessário um “giro decolonial” em nossa tese, por isso discutimos a perspectiva da colonialidade do poder, a partir da qual entendemos que a América era parte constitutiva da formação do sistema-mundo, por meio da rota comercial do Atlântico. Assim, o sistema-mundo moderno e capitalista seria também colonial. Mas a colonialidade do poder está relacionada, sobretudo, a um processo de inferiorização de contingentes populacionais indígenas, negros/afrodescendentes e femininos em razão de seus fenótipos, ou seja, está ligada à noção de “raça” (colonialidade do ser), assim como aos saberes outros (colonialidade do saber) e às formas de espiritualidade outras e suas relações com a natureza (colonialidade da natureza). Em outras palavras, esses estratos seriam inferiores tanto ontológica quanto epistemologicamente. Essas primeiras análises nos levaram a revisitar períodos históricos anteriores ao momento em foco na tese: o lapso de tempo entre a Proclamação da República (1889) e a Era Vargas (1930 – 1945). Voltamos, pois, à colonização, os primeiros contatos entre indígenas e europeus (portugueses), a União Ibérica (1580 – 1640), a Restauração Portuguesa (1640) e a Independência (1822). Um caminho que nos ajudou a compreender como a sociedade e o Estado brasileiro se estruturaram. O primeiro baseado no “mito fundador” da grandeza territorial. E a segunda carregando as marcas da inferioridade, perspectiva que discutimos a partir da colonialidade do poder e de uma análise, ainda que en passant, de diversos intérpretes do Brasil. Detemo-nos também sobre a política indigenista empreendida desde o período colonial até a instituição da República (1889) chegando à Vargas (1930 – 1945). Percebemos com essas análises que o objetivo do Estado brasileiro era, principalmente, integrar o indígena à comunhão nacional transformando-o em mão de obra, além de utilizá-lo como protetor de fronteiras. Nesse ponto política indigenista e política externa se aproximam, já que um dos principais escopos desta última seria assegurar a integridade do território brasileiro e, quando possível ampliá-lo. Começamos, então, a análise dos relatórios do Ministério das Relações Exteriores entre 1889 e 1945. Após a análise dessa documentação, ratificamos a importância da integridade do território para o Estado brasileiro e percebemos também a existência de um discurso no qual o Brasil aparece como defensor dos princípios da civilização, cujo modelo político, epistêmico, social e cultural é o Ocidente. Um discurso que, além de outras questões, inviabiliza a presença e participação de contingentes populacionais com outras formas de existência e de organização social e econômica, ou seja, indígenas e negros/afrodescendentes. Ainda que, cabe uma ressalva, esse déficit democrático e de participação tenha se alterado, em alguma medida, nos anos 1980, quando os movimentos sociais começaram a se interessar pelos assuntos internacionais, em razão da luta pela manutenção dos direitos trabalhistas, em risco pelas medidas de liberalização econômica e desregulamentação do mundo do trabalho. Esse processo está, contudo, em construção e depende de um diálogo intercultural, que torne o Ministério de Relações Exteriores e sua área de atuação o lugar do interepistêmico.