This dissertation explores how Christian faith affected the hope and resistance of an oppressed people in their response to violence orchestrated against them. It undertakes this task through stories collected from the people of East Timor, a half-island nation located in South-East Asia that was brutally ruled by Indonesia from 1975 to 1999. The nature of Christian faith is a vexed question for the modern world particularly when this faith has grown in countries like East Timor where suffering, violence and oppression were inflicted on the people. This lack of understanding of the nature and development of Christian faith is evident in academic studies of East Timor. Moreover, the difficult nature of this question is compounded by the fact that the violence and oppression, such as that inflicted on the East Timorese, is often orchestrated by the nation-state, which itself is a creation of the modern West. Faith in these circumstances of violence is often explained away as a circumstantial reaction after which the people will return to the path of reason. Yet, this attitude is problematic in the way it juxtaposes reason and faith. It ultimately exposes an unsound anthropological understanding of the human person as well as a view of reason that is narrow and insufficient as it sees reason as unable to cope with the circumstances of violence. This dissertation argues for an understanding of faith and violence through an analysis of the experiences of the East Timorese. This analysis is undertaken from an anthropological and theological understanding of the human person, primarily based on the insights of René Girard which provide clarity in understanding the relationship between human being, reason and faith. This dissertation argues that Christian faith helped the East Timorese people confront the existential and anthropological challenges posed by violence, and so, enabled them to overcome the illusions and false transcendence of violence, which Girard (1977, 31) says “…is the heart and secret soul of the sacred”. The dissertation shows that Christian faith helped form purpose, hope and non-violent resistance to state-sanctioned violence in East Timor through the anthropological, existential and imaginative resources fostered in relationship with Christ. The dissertation proposes an explanation of the experiences of the East Timorese recounted in this dissertation that posits that relationship with and faith in Christ, as the self-giving and victimised “Other”, had a discernible and plausible effect on the East Timorese particularly in the circumstances of violence. This faith commitment seemed to change and free persons and cultural structures in East Timor from the violent transcendence imposed by the dictatorial state that presents itself as “sacred”. This freedom emerged as the oppressed and victimised East Timorese, through their experience of the violent depths of human relations, were directed toward the pacific transcendence located around the victim, Christ, the substance of which is Christ’s self-giving love originating from and shared with the Father through the Spirit. East Timorese people were directed and responded to Christ in faith as they encountered the self-giving mimesis of the Trinity sacramentally and through the martyrs. This faith formed a new ontological way, or direction, which fostered resistance to the sacred violence of the state and their supporters. Through the enactment of their faith in this new and pacific way of being in self-giving mimesis, the Christian community in East Timor sought to resist and transform the state into a more benign and responsive entity by exposing and removing its ability to arbitrarily and indiscriminately victimise and oppress. This ecclesiological stance sought to expose the truth in the midst of the lies of sacred violence through a pacific way of being that was learnt from communion with the risen Christ as self-giving victim.

In early 1999, newly appointed Indonesian President Habibie authorised a referendum on independence for East Timor. It was held under UN supervision and an overwhelming majority voted in favour. This was not well received by the conservative Indonesian military TNI, which saw this as the beginning of an Indonesian state collapse. Therefore, the TNI launched a month-long offensive in East Timor in the autumn of 1999, characterised by massive displacement, burning of infrastructure, sexual violence against women, and repeated cases of wanton murders. Consequently, some historians have described the period as a genocide. The term genocide aims to describe a concept where a perpetrator has a coordinated plan to destroy key elements of national groups, with the aim of ending the groups’ existence as a whole. Genocide is thus strongly characterised by the idea of human rights and, by extension, has a liberal underpinning. This study aims to determine whether the East Timor Crisis of 1999 can be described as a genocide; whether the description is correct if consideration is made to what constitutes a group and the intent of the perpetrator. It also aims to achieve this by using the originator of the term Raphaël Lemkin's eight societal domains in which he regards genocide to be committed and thus applies events from the East Timor Crisis within these domains to determine whether genocide has taken place. The study makes use of a qualitative, theory consuming case study methodology. It then concludes that genocide, with exceptions, occurred within every societal domain of the East Timorese society throughout the East Timor Crisis of 1999.

The author joins the Peace Corps in the hopes that he will discover who he really is yet he only finds frustration. Upon returning to the States he has a daughter and finds peace. Within this peace, as he types up the life history of a friend, he finally makes a breakthrough, yet the answer he finds is not to his liking.

Este trabalho tem como escopo analisar, sob o viés dos estudos do discurso e da linguagem, como se edificam discursivamente identidades para o povo leste-timorense. Para tanto, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos elementos dos corpora, observamos os procedimentos linguístico-discursivos relacionados à ativação/construção/mobilização de frames, à construção de objetos de discurso e à patemização. Nossos corpora são compostos por dez discursos pronunciados por Xanana Gusmão em dois momentos distintos da história de Timor-Leste: no período em que atuou como guerrilheiro durante a ocupação indonésia (entre 1982 e 1993) e, posteriormente, quando ocupou o cargo de Presidente da República (entre 2001 e 2006). O desenvolvimento do trabalho está articulado em torno de cinco eixos de estudo: História, Identidade, Cognição, Análise Crítica do Discurso e Argumentação. Quanto ao aporte teórico, recorremos às pesquisas de Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 e 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), SantAnna (1997) e Thomaz (2008 e 2002), para tratar das questões de cunho histórico; no âmbito da identidade, buscamos subsídio, fundamentalmente, nos trabalhos de Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) e Moscovici (2006); no que concerne aos estudos do discurso, relativamente à construção de objetos de discurso e aos frames, como elementos de natureza cognitiva, serviram-nos como fundamento as obras de Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 e 2002), Aquino (2016 e 1991), Aquino e Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 e 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) e Mondada e Dubois (2003 [1995]); por fim, no que concerne à argumentação e à análise crítica do discurso, recorremos aos trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 e 1983), Fairclough (2009) e Aquino (1997), respectivamente. As análises permitiram-nos identificar que os distintos projetos de construção de identidades leste-timorenses representados pelos discursos de Xanana Gusmão nos períodos analisados fundam-se em pelo menos dois frames proeminentes: o de Guerra e o de Família, durante o Período Indonésio, e o de Guerra e o de Povo Genérico, no momento Pós-Indonésio. Desse modo, observamos que a complexidade de que se reveste o conceito de identidade, para além das questões de ordem social e que se refletem nas discursivas, também se deve aos procedimentos discursivos e sociocognitivos que lhe dão forma. Os discursos de Xanana Gusmão, portanto, não apenas discorrem sobre a realidade e os anseios de transformá-la, mas atuam na construção dela, bem como na de seus personagens, atribuindo-lhes identidades que estejam em conformidade com seus projetos de dizer. / This work aims to analyze, as part of the study of discourse and language, how identities are discursively built for East Timorese people. Therefore, from the qualitative treatment of the elements of corpora, the linguistic-discursive procedures are observed related to the activation/construction/mobilization of frames, to the construction of speech objects and to pathemization. Our corpora are composed by ten speeches delivered by Xanana Gusmão in two different moments in the history of East Timor: during his period as a guerrilla during the Indonesian occupation (between 1982 and 1993) and later when he was the President (between 2001 and 2006). The development of this work is articulated around five pillars of research: History, Identity, Cognition, Critical Discourse Analysis and Argumentation. As for the theoretical contribution, we used the research of Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 and 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), Sant\'Anna (1997) and Thomaz (2008 and 2002), to deal with historical issues; in the scope of identity, we sought support, fundamentally, in the works of Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) and Moscovici (2006); what concerns discourse studies, regarding the construction of discourse objects and frames, as elements of a cognitive nature, we made use of the works of Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 and 2002), Aquino (2016 and 1991), Aquino and Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 and 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) and Mondada and Dubois (2003 [1995]); finally, with regard to the argumentation and critical analysis of the discourse, we resorted to the works of Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 and 1983), Fairclough (2009) and Aquino (1997). The analyzes allowed us to identify that the distinct projects of construction of the East Timorese identities represented by Xanana Gusmão\'s discourses in the analyzed periods are based on at least two prominent frames: War and Family, during the \"Indonesian Period\" , and War and Generic People, in the \"Post-Indonesian\" period. Thus, we observe that the complexity of the concept of identity, beyond social issues and reflected in the discourses, is also due to the discursive and socio-cognitive procedures that shape them. The discourses of Xanana Gusmão, therefore, not only discuss the reality and the yearnings to transform it, but act in the construction of it, as well as of its characters, attributing to them identities that are in conformity with his speech project.

Este trabalho tem como escopo analisar, sob o viés dos estudos do discurso e da linguagem, como se edificam discursivamente identidades para o povo leste-timorense. Para tanto, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos elementos dos corpora, observamos os procedimentos linguístico-discursivos relacionados à ativação/construção/mobilização de frames, à construção de objetos de discurso e à patemização. Nossos corpora são compostos por dez discursos pronunciados por Xanana Gusmão em dois momentos distintos da história de Timor-Leste: no período em que atuou como guerrilheiro durante a ocupação indonésia (entre 1982 e 1993) e, posteriormente, quando ocupou o cargo de Presidente da República (entre 2001 e 2006). O desenvolvimento do trabalho está articulado em torno de cinco eixos de estudo: História, Identidade, Cognição, Análise Crítica do Discurso e Argumentação. Quanto ao aporte teórico, recorremos às pesquisas de Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 e 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), SantAnna (1997) e Thomaz (2008 e 2002), para tratar das questões de cunho histórico; no âmbito da identidade, buscamos subsídio, fundamentalmente, nos trabalhos de Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) e Moscovici (2006); no que concerne aos estudos do discurso, relativamente à construção de objetos de discurso e aos frames, como elementos de natureza cognitiva, serviram-nos como fundamento as obras de Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 e 2002), Aquino (2016 e 1991), Aquino e Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 e 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) e Mondada e Dubois (2003 [1995]); por fim, no que concerne à argumentação e à análise crítica do discurso, recorremos aos trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 e 1983), Fairclough (2009) e Aquino (1997), respectivamente. As análises permitiram-nos identificar que os distintos projetos de construção de identidades leste-timorenses representados pelos discursos de Xanana Gusmão nos períodos analisados fundam-se em pelo menos dois frames proeminentes: o de Guerra e o de Família, durante o Período Indonésio, e o de Guerra e o de Povo Genérico, no momento Pós-Indonésio. Desse modo, observamos que a complexidade de que se reveste o conceito de identidade, para além das questões de ordem social e que se refletem nas discursivas, também se deve aos procedimentos discursivos e sociocognitivos que lhe dão forma. Os discursos de Xanana Gusmão, portanto, não apenas discorrem sobre a realidade e os anseios de transformá-la, mas atuam na construção dela, bem como na de seus personagens, atribuindo-lhes identidades que estejam em conformidade com seus projetos de dizer. / This work aims to analyze, as part of the study of discourse and language, how identities are discursively built for East Timorese people. Therefore, from the qualitative treatment of the elements of corpora, the linguistic-discursive procedures are observed related to the activation/construction/mobilization of frames, to the construction of speech objects and to pathemization. Our corpora are composed by ten speeches delivered by Xanana Gusmão in two different moments in the history of East Timor: during his period as a guerrilla during the Indonesian occupation (between 1982 and 1993) and later when he was the President (between 2001 and 2006). The development of this work is articulated around five pillars of research: History, Identity, Cognition, Critical Discourse Analysis and Argumentation. As for the theoretical contribution, we used the research of Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 and 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), Sant\'Anna (1997) and Thomaz (2008 and 2002), to deal with historical issues; in the scope of identity, we sought support, fundamentally, in the works of Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) and Moscovici (2006); what concerns discourse studies, regarding the construction of discourse objects and frames, as elements of a cognitive nature, we made use of the works of Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 and 2002), Aquino (2016 and 1991), Aquino and Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 and 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) and Mondada and Dubois (2003 [1995]); finally, with regard to the argumentation and critical analysis of the discourse, we resorted to the works of Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 and 1983), Fairclough (2009) and Aquino (1997). The analyzes allowed us to identify that the distinct projects of construction of the East Timorese identities represented by Xanana Gusmão\'s discourses in the analyzed periods are based on at least two prominent frames: War and Family, during the \"Indonesian Period\" , and War and Generic People, in the \"Post-Indonesian\" period. Thus, we observe that the complexity of the concept of identity, beyond social issues and reflected in the discourses, is also due to the discursive and socio-cognitive procedures that shape them. The discourses of Xanana Gusmão, therefore, not only discuss the reality and the yearnings to transform it, but act in the construction of it, as well as of its characters, attributing to them identities that are in conformity with his speech project.

This thesis presents a study of John Howard’s leadership of Australian foreign policy from 1996 to 2003. It documents and examines the way in which John Howard, Australia’s national leader, managed the complex challenges presented by two major events in Australian foreign policy: the East Timor crisis and the war against Iraq. Because it is the national leader who speaks for the nation, the manner in which the Prime Minister articulates and communicates the country’s foreign policy is vitally important, both domestically and internationally. Two theoretical concepts—constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy—are proposed and developed in this thesis to explore and analyse how national leaders, situated at the nexus of domestic and foreign concerns, manage the distinctive challenges presented to them in this position. They also assist in understanding and explaining John Howard’s particular approach to these two major foreign policy issues. This study demonstrates that both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy are useful descriptive and normative tools for examining ways in which national leaders communicate and implement their foreign policies in the increasingly interconnected political landscape. By tracing and documenting the trajectory of Howard’s foreign policy, this study finds that his skill and confidence in the area of foreign policy, and his command and control of the foreign policy process, all increased over time. The evidence also suggests that he developed a greater awareness of the need to employ both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. However, as this study shows, his absolute commitment to the ANZUS alliance saw him relinquish the responsibility to employ them in the case of Iraq. This study draws on exisiting knowledge in the areas of leadership, political science and international relations as a basis for testing the proposed concepts of constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. It then explores the wider application of these approaches for leaders striving to balance domestic and international concerns and considers their importance for the security and stability of the international system.

In this thesis I investigate the process of international negotiation to resolve a serious dispute between Australia and East Timor over offshore oil and gas, which arose after East Timor’s transition to independence in 1999. The central aim is to uncover and analyse the dynamics of the negotiations, and to explain how outcomes were determined. The question of negotiated outcomes is of special significance given the extent to which East Timor was able to move Australia beyond its preferred outcome. In this case, the seemingly weaker party was able to overcome a more powerful bargaining opponent. My aim in writing this thesis is to explain why that was possible and how it was achieved.

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

This thesis explores the roles and experiences of local East Timorese non-government organisations through the multiple transitions which accompanied East Timor's process of independence in the period 1999-2004. It explores how NGOs attempted to influence the changing environment in which they were operating, particularly in the development of the new nation. In doing so, it examines how the actual experience of these local NGOs relates to theories of civil society and NGOs in the various phases of transition to democracy, state and nation building and post-conflict peacebuilding. After reviewing literature relating to the role of civil society and NGOs in democratisation, development and peacebuilding, and identifying some key issues to explore, the study turns to the particular context of East Timor. It summarizes the colonial history, with a particular focus on governance, development and the emergence of civil society and NGOs in that territory, and the phases of the transition. It then focuses closely on six leading East Timorese NGOs, which between them reflect different organisational origins and sectoral interests and which were perceived to be playing significant roles within the NGO community. The case study chapters describe briefly the history of each NGO, then trace their stories over an approximately five year period. They explore how the visions, strategies, programs and organisational systems of these NGOs changed as the context changed. The case studies show how adaptive these NGOs were, how excluded some of them were by the huge influx of international players after the ballot, but how, in the absence of a legitimate government, they were included in various processes in a number of important ways during the UNTAET period. These studies also reveal some of the challenges the NGOs faced as the new government took over in May 2002. The study concludes by summarising the changing roles and capacities of the NGOs, highlighting the many roles which local NGOs played throughout the study period, and the way in which they met new demands placed upon them. It identifies capacities critical for these NGOs' survival and development, and identifies some strategies which the NGOs themselves identified as useful in helping them attain these. It also identifies some areas which they found challenging and where more capacity development may have been valuable. Finally the study reflects on the actual experiences of Timorese NGOs compared to theory and experiences elsewhere relating to democracy, development and peacebuilding. The findings, which emphasise the changing relationship of the new state to its citizens, suggest that the civil society and development practice, which has been strongly based on de Tocqueville's approach to civil society, is not particularly helpful in a post-conflict setting. Instead, an adapted Gramscian approach, viewing civil and political society as interrelated sites in which a struggle to embed non-violent means of apportioning power are being waged, could be of greater analytic and practical value.

The main aim of this dissertation is to analyze the idea and practice of handing over the administration of a territory to the United Nations on a temporary basis in response to manage and settle the consequences of a dispute concerning the future status of that territory. The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) are novel examples in this respect since they present both the opportunities offered and the challenges experienced by the international administrations and give clear guidelines for the future state-building engagements. Since the end of the Cold War, there emerged a definitive trend toward accepting a more interventionary role for the UN. Taking the changing nature of interventionism into account, within the scope of this dissertation, the foremost focus will be on the post-intervention period where peacebuilding and state-building processes take place in war-torn societies. Thereby, international transitional administrations which represent the most complex and comprehensive peace operations attempted by the United Nations will be the focal point of the study. Since such administrations assume some or all of the sovereign powers of an independent state, in a period when neo-interventionism and suspended or conditional sovereignty are debated, the degree of executive, legislative and judicial authority assumed by transitional administrations is worth to consider.