Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-18T21:48:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 Gisele Calgaro1.pdf: 393365 bytes, checksum: c1280521e2db23d820f77f2a5874a536 (MD5) Gisele Calgaro2.pdf: 2483007 bytes, checksum: 06ddd5108828d64ba0ebeafa55adc325 (MD5) Gisele Calgaro3.pdf: 929275 bytes, checksum: 53af84ab5c373bb0b57218ca54eb0fd7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-11 / This research work is primarily based on the analysis of the Bartoons a series of comic strips made by the Portuguese cartoonist Luís Afonso. Special attention is drawn to the voice that emerges from the enunciation of its discourse and how it has contributed to make the Portuguese reader reflect upon the independence of East Timor from Indonesia. For the purpose of this study, seven Bartoons published between the 6th and the 24th of September 1999, in the Espaço Público section in the Portuguese newspaper Público, were chosen at random. Since the Bartoons re-create, intertextually, the social political moment prior to the arrival of ONU s Peace Force and the conquest of East Timor independence, a brief historical retrospective and some contextualization of the country s situation are presented. In order to provide a detailed discussion, it was necessary to refer to the constituent elements of the comic strip genre. Thus, McCloud (2005) and Eisner (2001; 2005) were taken into account. Considering the general aspects involving the construction of the ethos in the Discourse Analysis, Maingueneau s theory (1997; 2005) revealed as the most appropriate one. At last, this analysis tried to reveal the satirical voice used in the making of the strips wisely associated with the discoursive denunciation presented in the drawings. Moreover, by using irony, the analysis empathizes with the East Timorese s suffering and disqualifies their oppressors, trying to touch the reader and persuade him/her to feel indignant and think over the subject. / Partindo do estudo de sete Bartoons criação do cartunista português Luís Afonso, publicada na secção Espaço Público do jornal português Público escolhidos, aleatoriamente, entre os dias 6 e 24 de Setembro de 1999, este trabalho investiga, analisando a voz que emerge na enunciação do discurso, como o Bartoon contribuiu para despertar a reflexão do leitor português acerca da independência de Timor-Leste frente ao domínio indonésio, ao confrontar o discurso empregado pela Comunidade Internacional e o discurso do lestetimorense. Para tanto, fez-se uma retrospectiva histórica e uma breve contextualização da situação vivenciada recentemente naquele país, uma vez que o Bartoon recria, intertextualmente, o momento sócio-político que antecede a chegada das Forças de Paz da ONU e a conquista da independência. Tratou-se, ainda, dos elementos constituintes do gênero história em quadrinhos, na perspectiva de McCloud (2005) e Eisner (2001; 2005), necessários ao estudo do texto sincrético, e de apresentar aspectos gerais da construção do ethos inscrito no quadro da Análise do Discurso, desenvolvido a partir dos estudos de Maingueneau (1997; 2005). A análise procurou revelar a voz mostrada nas astúcias da construção do Bartoon, uma voz satírica que recria no visual a denúncia discursiva. Além disso, manifesta-se solidária ao sofrimento do leste-timorense e desqualifica seus opressores, deseja persuadir o leitor a indignar-se, a comover-se, a refletir sobre o tema, recorrendo à ironia como elemento provocador desse ato perlocutório.

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[pt] A indeterminação do conceito de intervenção humanitária é latente na literatura de Relações Internacionais e do Direito. Apesar de o tema intervenção humanitária ter feito parte da agenda internacional no período pós-Guerra Fria, o que tal prática constitui permanece sem consenso. O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a problemática da falta de consenso sobre o conceito de intervenção humanitária. Para tanto, serão analisados sete elementos do referido conceito: (i) o agente da intervenção; (ii) a necessidade ou não do uso da força; (iii) a postura do Estado-alvo em relação à ingerência externa; (iv) os beneficiários da intervenção; (v) as violações de direitos humanos que podem dar ensejo a uma intervenção humanitária; (vi) os objetivos da intervenção humanitária; (vii) o momento da intervenção. Em seguida, será analisado o caso do Timor Leste, a fim de demonstrar as implicações da falta de consenso acerca do referido conceito. Espera-se, assim, poder contribuir para o debate sobre o conceito de intervenção humanitária nas doutrinas de Relações Internacionais e do Direito. / [en] The International Relations and Law literature lacks a clear-cut definition of the concept of humanitarian intervention. Even though humanitarian intervention theme has been present in the political agenda of the post-Cold War period, there is no consensus around its meaning. The objective of the present work is to analyze the lack of consensus regarding the concept of humanitarian intervention. In order to achieve this task, we will analyze seven elements of the referred concept: (i) the agent of intervention; (ii) the use of force; (iii) the target State behavior regarding external intervention; (iv) the beneficiaries of intervention; (v) the human rights violations that enable the practice of humanitarian intervention; (vi) the goals of humanitarian intervention; (vii) the moment of intervention. The next step will be to study the East Timor case so as to demonstrate the implications of the lack of consensus regarding the referred concept. We hope, therefore, to contribute to the debate on the concept of humanitarian intervention in the International Relations and Law literature.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:32:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Gagliato.pdf: 499231 bytes, checksum: f4037683dc9b7914079dc57ad8d6c9b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-13 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / As one of the results of author s experiences in Timor Leste, during 2004 and 2005, this work is product of his interest to identify the psychosocial meaning of modalities of resistance existed during Indonesian occupation period. This research s objective is to explore, by electing one of the cultural figuration the religious scenario postindependence East Timor, its social transformations, singular and collective transformations that happened in such country while Indonesian occupation. The religion choice is justified, among other reasons, by information that before the Indonesian occupation, in 1975, less than one third of Timorese population declared themselves as Catholic and, after the 1999 referendum, more than 90% of the population asserted being part of Catholic religion. Seeking to comprehend the meaning of such figuration, we can consider, among other authors, studies of Geertz (1978), Freud (1988), Magalhães (1983, 1990, 1999), Smythe (2004) and from testimonials of its own author and other subjective representatives, as Xanana Gusmão and Dom Basílio do Nascimento, it intended to better understand the religion figuration in East Timor as resistance operator. It was observed that, before physical and cultural systematic carnage placed by occupants, a new religious configuration was created in East Timor as a powerful, fundamental political, cultural and social resistance ally. It evidenced how this new religious scenario, major Catholic, was constituted, mainly, because of support, aid and defense which Timorese population found in East Timor Catholic Church, only not related to political resistance, but also regarding social, cultural and even religious resistance, since population, being catholic, found in Church a way to preserve the transmission of animist traditional Timorese religiosity. This religious amalgam constitutes a religiosity of Catholic and traditional-animist practices, as well, in this sense, creating a syncretism of rhythms and symbols religious syncretism. It was relevant to point out that Church support was not the whole time unanimous, however that, sometimes, Catholic Church of East Timor, Australia, Indonesia, Portugal and from Vatican had divergent positions regarding that occupation. The final results of this research showed the power of Timorese culture and the religion function as operator of resistance by the means of political-cultural relation, ergo, psychosocial / Como um dos resultados das experiências vividas pelo autor no Timor-Leste, entre os anos de 2004 e 2005, este trabalho é fruto de seu interesse em identificar o significado psicossocial das modalidades de resistência figuradas em Timor-Leste durante o período de ocupação Indonésia. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi abordar, por meio da eleição de uma modalidade de figuração cultural o cenário religioso o Timor-Leste pós-independência, suas transformações sociais, as transformações culturais coletivas e singulares que se processaram nesse país atravessado pela ocupação indonésia. A escolha da religião se justifica, entre outros motivos, pela informação de que antes da ocupação indonésia, em 1975, menos de um terço da população timorense se declarava católica e, após o referendo de 1999, mais de 90% da população afirmaram pertencer à religião Católica. Procurando compreender o significado de tal figuração cultural, consideramos, entre outros autores, os estudos de Geertz (1978), Freud (1988), Magalhães (1983, 1990, 1999), Smythe (2004) e a partir, principalmente, de testemunhos do próprio autor deste trabalho e de outros sujeitos representativos, como Xanana Gusmão e Dom Basílio do Nascimento, pretendeu-se conhecer melhor a figuração da religião no Timor-Leste como operador de resistência. Observou-se que, diante do sistemático massacre físico e cultural empregado pelos ocupantes, uma nova configuração religiosa se constituiu em Timor-Leste como um poderoso e fundamental operador político, social e cultural de resistência. Evidenciou-se desta maneira, esse novo cenário religioso de maioria Católica que se constituiu, principalmente, em virtude do amparo, assistência e defesa que a população de Timor-Leste encontrou na Igreja Católica do Timor-Leste, não só no aspecto de resistência política, mas de resistência social, cultural e até religiosa, já que também a população, tornando-se Católica, encontrou na Igreja uma maneira de preservar a transmissão e herança da religiosidade tradicional-animista timorense. Esse amálgama religioso constituiu uma religiosidade de práticas tanto Católicas quanto Tradicional-animistas, constituindo, assim, um sincretismo de ritos e símbolos sincretismo religioso. Foi relevante apontar que o apoio da Igreja Católica não foi unânime todo o tempo, mas que, muitas vezes, a Igreja Católica de Timor-Leste, Indonésia, Austrália, Portugal e do Vaticano exerciam posições divergentes em relação à ocupação. O resultado final dessa pesquisa mostrou a força da cultura timorense e a função da religião como operador de resistência por meio da relação político-cultural, logo, psicossocial

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:45:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberta Goncalves de Sousa Miranda.pdf: 2065831 bytes, checksum: 5ad7cff1a2386a13c44441eea1704375 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-29 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão is one of the most important political figures of East Timor. His speeches have become known not only for its power of persuasion, but also the rich history and identity within it. Arrested in 1992, Xanana was put on trial farce-February-March 1993, at which he was denied the right to a lawyer. He defended his life and his destiny by using the best weapon available to him: the word. His "Testimony of Defense" is the object of this study noted that the construction of the subject of East Timor Xanana Gusmão, based on the procedures of discourse analysis (DA). Considering that the subject is constructed within the expository instance, at the time that the enunciator speaks and shows itself in his speech, the present study aimed to: a) identify and analyze linguistics choices made for the construction of the discourse, as that reveal clues about the Xanana s image; b) determine discursive and ideological formations, and c) identify elements that can help raise a characterization Timorese identity. To achieve the objectives, this research brief theoretical review presented on topics of discourse analysis (of particular interest with regard to the concepts of language, ideology and discourse), based in Fiorin (2003, 2008), Maingueneau (1997, 2008 ), Orlandi (2007, 2008, 2009) and Pêcheux (2009) and on Identity and National Identity, based on Hall (2006), Mattoso (1998) and Ortiz (2006); brief historical background of East Timor and Xanana Gusmão , which is crucial, since the stories of the author of the text studied and their country are intertwined. As a result of the research, the text-testimony proved to be valuable due to a number of features that allow the reader to identify Xanana as a hero. In many moments of discourse, he admits to be the leader and use his trial to fight in defense of their country. The East Timorese identity is revealed in several passages, through descriptions of national culture and social reality. / Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão é uma das figuras políticas mais importantes de Timor-Leste. Seus discursos tornaram-se conhecidos não apenas pelo seu poder de persuasão, mas também pela riqueza histórica e identitária nele contida. Preso em 1992, Xanana foi submetido a julgamento-farsa de fevereiro a março de 1993, no qual lhe foi negado o direito a um advogado. Ele defendeu sua vida e seu destino usando a melhor arma que dispunha: a palavra. Seu ―Depoimento de Defesa‖ é o objeto desta dissertação que observou a construção do sujeito do timorense Xanana Gusmão, com base nos procedimentos da Análise do Discurso (AD). Considerando que o sujeito se constrói dentro da instância enunciativa, no momento em que o enunciador toma a palavra e se mostra por meio do seu discurso, o presente estudo pretendeu: a) verificar e analisar escolhas linguísticas realizadas para a construção do discurso, na medida em que revelam pistas acerca da imagem do próprio Xanana; b) determinar formações discursivas e ideológicas; e c) levantar elementos que possam auxiliar numa caracterização identitária timorense. Para atingir os objetivos, esta pesquisa apresentou breve revisão teórica sobre tópicos da Análise do Discurso (de interesse particular, no que diz respeito aos conceitos de linguagem, ideologia e discurso), fundamentada em Fiorin (2003, 2008), Maingueneau (1997, 2008), Orlandi (2007, 2008, 2009) e Pêcheux (2009) e sobre Identidade e Identidade Nacional, com base em Hall (2006), Mattoso (1998) e Ortiz (2006); breve contextualização histórica de Timor-Leste e Xanana Gusmão, que se faz fundamental, uma vez que as histórias do autor do texto estudado e de seu país estão entrelaçadas. Como resultado da pesquisa, o texto-depoimento revelou-se riquíssimo devido a uma série de características que permitem ao leitor identificar Xanana como herói. Em diversos momentos do discurso, ele admite ser o líder e utiliza seu julgamento para lutar em defesa de seu país. A identidade timorense é revelada em diversos trechos, por meio de descrições da cultura nacional e da realidade social.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:45:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberta Goncalves de Sousa Miranda.pdf: 4571383 bytes, checksum: 1b741cffe7a51e10e68a23cf869735c1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-29 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão is one of the most important political figures of East Timor. His speeches have become known not only for its power of persuasion, but also the rich history and identity within it. Arrested in 1992, Xanana was put on trial farce-February-March 1993, at which he was denied the right to a lawyer. He defended his life and his destiny by using the best weapon available to him: the word. His "Testimony of Defense" is the object of this study noted that the construction of the subject of East Timor Xanana Gusmão, based on the procedures of discourse analysis (DA). Considering that the subject is constructed within the expository instance, at the time that the enunciator speaks and shows itself in his speech, the present study aimed to: a) identify and analyze linguistics choices made for the construction of the discourse, as that reveal clues about the Xanana s image; b) determine discursive and ideological formations, and c) identify elements that can help raise a characterization Timorese identity. To achieve the objectives, this research brief theoretical review presented on topics of discourse analysis (of particular interest with regard to the concepts of language, ideology and discourse), based in Fiorin (2003, 2008), Maingueneau (1997, 2008 ), Orlandi (2007, 2008, 2009) and Pêcheux (2009) and on Identity and National Identity, based on Hall (2006), Mattoso (1998) and Ortiz (2006); brief historical background of East Timor and Xanana Gusmão , which is crucial, since the stories of the author of the text studied and their country are intertwined. As a result of the research, the text-testimony proved to be valuable due to a number of features that allow the reader to identify Xanana as a hero. In many moments of discourse, he admits to be the leader and use his trial to fight in defense of their country. The East Timorese identity is revealed in several passages, through descriptions of national culture and social reality. / Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão é uma das figuras políticas mais importantes de Timor-Leste. Seus discursos tornaram-se conhecidos não apenas pelo seu poder de persuasão, mas também pela riqueza histórica e identitária nele contida. Preso em 1992, Xanana foi submetido a julgamento-farsa de fevereiro a março de 1993, no qual lhe foi negado o direito a um advogado. Ele defendeu sua vida e seu destino usando a melhor arma que dispunha: a palavra. Seu "Depoimento de Defesa" é o objeto desta dissertação que observou a construção do sujeito do timorense Xanana Gusmão, com base nos procedimentos da Análise do Discurso (AD). Considerando que o sujeito se constrói dentro da instância enunciativa, no momento em que o enunciador toma a palavra e se mostra por meio do seu discurso, o presente estudo pretendeu: a) verificar e analisar escolhas linguísticas realizadas para a construção do discurso, na medida em que revelam pistas acerca da imagem do próprio Xanana; b) determinar formações discursivas e ideológicas; e c) levantar elementos que possam auxiliar numa caracterização identitária timorense. Para atingir os objetivos, esta pesquisa apresentou breve revisão teórica sobre tópicos da Análise do Discurso (de interesse particular, no que diz respeito aos conceitos de linguagem, ideologia e discurso), fundamentada em Fiorin(2003, 2008), Maingueneau (1997, 2008), Orlandi (2007, 2008, 2009) e Pêcheux (2009) e sobre Identidade e Identidade Nacional, com base em Hall (2006), Mattoso (1998) e Ortiz (2006); breve contextualização histórica de Timor-Leste e Xanana Gusmão, que se faz fundamental, uma vez que as histórias do autor do texto estudado e de seu país estão entrelaçadas. Como resultado da pesquisa, o texto-depoimento revelou-se riquíssimo devido a uma série de características que permitem ao leitor identificar Xanana como herói. Em diversos momentos do discurso, ele admite ser o líder e utiliza seu julgamento para lutar em defesa de seu país. A identidade timorense é revelada em diversos trechos, por meio de descrições da cultura nacional e da realidade social.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:45:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcia Vandineide Cavalcante.pdf: 12150821 bytes, checksum: 4cd9221b126986950d64376e76c8d64c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-12 / Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie / In this paper will be analyzed the process of planning and implementation of the instrumental Portuguese course (CPI) to preschool teachers in Díli, occurred between February, 2008 and October, 2010. It seeks to verify in which way the course was relevant to the teachers related to the Portuguese learning as well as their pedagogical practice. The method is based on the experience since it is believed to be the most adequate one in this type of study and it will facilitate the Course comprehension and its result analysis. With this research, it is observed the necessity of the Portuguese Language teaching contextualization in East Timor and the importance of establishing a relation between the East Timorese Portuguese teachers and their pedagogical practice. Besides, the research considers as relevant factors to the Portuguese Language learning process in East-Timor: value the local culture and the variety of the Timorese Portuguese and search in Tetum Language facilitating aspects to the Portuguese Language learning. / Nesta dissertação descrever-se-á como se deu o processo de planejamento e implementação do Curso de Português Instrumental (CPI) para professores da Pré-Escola de Díli, ocorrido entre fevereiro de 2008 e outubro de 2010. Tem-se como objetivo geral, a partir da análise de memoriais produzidos por participantes do CPI, verificar em que medida o Curso se tornou relevante para os docentes em relação ao aprendizado da Língua Portuguesa e em sua prática pedagógica. A metodologia utilizada neste trabalho é o relato de experiência, por entender-se que essa é a mais adequada para o tipo de estudo realizado e que facilitará a compreensão do Curso e a análises dos resultados nele obtidos. Com este estudo, percebeu-se a necessidade de uma contextualização do ensino de Língua Portuguesa em Timor-Leste e a importância de se estabelecer relação entre o ensino de Português para professores timorenses e a sua prática pedagógica. Além disso, a pesquisa considera como fatores imprescindíveis para o processo de ensino-aprendizagem de LP em Timor-Leste: valorizar a cultura local e a variedade do português timorense e buscar na língua Tétum aspectos facilitadores para o aprendizado da Língua Portuguesa.

Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.

As a mode of intervention in which the UN assumed direct authority over disrupted states, transitional administrations represent unique examples of ambitious state-building projects. This thesis investigates the apparent failure of transitional administrations to establish the rule of law in Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor. It identifies nine explanatory factors which are tested against each case study. In addition, it seeks to enhance conceptual understandings of the UN???s state-building agenda and to add to empirical studies regarding attempts by external actors to establish the rule of law in disrupted states. Three findings emerge. First, in each case, UN transitional administrations failed in each of the following ways: to make the best use of their mandate; to establish effective state justice institutions; to build local commitment to the rule of law as a value system; to promote social relationships supportive of the rule of law; to ensure sufficient state capacity post-intervention; to maintain adequate levels of security; to address the existence of informal justice structures; to deal with the legacies of the past; and to ensure an adequate level of mission performance. Of these, establishing effective state justice institutions, building local commitment and addressing informal justice structures proved most crucial. Second, the state-based ???enforcement??? approach adopted by transitional administrations proved ineffective. Enacting laws and establishing coercive state structures such as judicial, police and prison services were critical to, but could not be equated with the rule of law. This approach did not account sufficiently for the importance of entrenched informal justice institutions, of the voluntary consent of local actors, or of appropriate institutional design choices. As a result, it did not offer real solutions to real problems faced by local actors. Finally, the UN failed to consider fully how to create an enabling ???space??? in which internal processes of change could occur, to engage appropriately with local actors, to overcome the tyrannies of truncated deployment, or to address these issues at the ???front-end??? of the mission. This ???entry without strategy??? approach to state-building seriously undermined the UN???s ability to establish the rule of law, as the self-declared touchstone of its state-building agenda.

Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.