O trabalho busca demonstrar se realmente houve uma mudança em termos concretos da política externa britânica para a Comunidade Econômica Europeia desde a declaração de inflexão feita pela primeira-ministra Margaret Thatcher no Discurso de Bruges em 1988. Para atingir este objetivo, o trabalho apresenta as circunstâncias que acabaram culminando no teor das declarações contidas no discurso, esclarece os principais pontos declarados, faz um levantamento das fases de relacionamento do Reino Unido sob o governo Thatcher com a Comunidade Europeia e analisa os níveis de mudança de política externa para comprovar sua real ocorrência no caso britânico. A conclusão do trabalho evidencia que, apesar das declarações do discurso, o Reino Unido não fez nenhuma mudança objetiva nas relações com o processo de integração europeia naquele momento, embora o discurso tenha passado a exercer influência no crescente euroceticismo britânico a partir de então. / This work seeks to demonstrate if there really was a change in concrete terms of British foreign policy towards the European Economic Community from the inflection made by the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in her 1988 Bruges Speech. To achieve this objective, this work presents the circumstances that culminated in the content of the speech\'s declaration, clarifies the main declared points, reviews the main relationship phases in United Kingdom\'s relationship under Thatcher\'s government with the European Community and analyses the levels of foreign policy change to check its real occurrence in the British case. This work\'s conclusion brings evidence that despite of the speech\'s declarations, United Kingdom did no objective change in its relations with the European integration process in that moment; however, the speech became an influence over the growing British Euroscepticism since then.

This thesis studies Turkish migration policies as an outcome of the interactions between the European Union, international organisations (UNHCR, IOM) and domestic migration governance. Counterbalancing a tendency in the literature to focus on external influences and specifically the EU's power over candidate countries, Turkish migration policy is seen to result from interrelationships between external and domestic actors that vary according to context of policy type, time and relative balance of power between the actors. Changes in international relations, Turkey's relationship with the EU, and internal to migration governance, can relativize the power asymmetry between EU and Turkey, leading to opportunities for domestic authorities to exert influence. The study has a comparative design across four cases of migration policy decision-making and by actor-type. This allows investigation of interrelations and an actor's efforts to exert influence relative to the others. A prominent policy is examined for each of the main four fields of Turkish migration policy: legislative reform (Law on Foreigners and International Protection), irregular migration (EU-Turkey readmission agreement), regular migration (adoption of the EU's visa lists) and asylum (removal of geographical limitation clause from the 1951 Refugee Convention). Document analysis is supplemented by original data from twenty-one semi-structured interviews, conducted with experts from Turkish Ministries, international organisations and the EU Commission. The main finding is that the degree of external influence over Turkish migration policy is contextually shaped, by time, the substance of a specific policy field, and most notably by the degree to which a policy field is politicised. EU influence is strongest when a policy field is politicised and driven by ‘conditionality'. International organisations are less influential actors but present in shaping more technocratic and less politicised policies through ‘social policy learning'. Turkish authorities exert clear agency and use international negotiations to gain leverage to advance domestic migration interests.

The study of regions in international relations has been a sometime thing, gaining scholarly attention in the 1950s and 1960s, dropping largely from view in the 1970s, and returning to focus quite dramatically in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It is clear that the contemporary manifestations of regionalism (the completion of the internal market of the European Communities in 1992, Asia Pacific developments, and US-centred Western hemisphere moves) constitute a new and qualitatively different factor in both interstate relations and the international political economy. The growth in the development of regions in the 1980s also represents a new level of interstate collaboration in the international system. The question arises as to the causes of this 'new regionalism' of the 1980s, and the implications of these developments for international relations practice and theory. Investigating these issues is the main task of this thesis. ¶ This thesis involves three elements: a central contemporary element examining the re-emergence of regions in the 1980s; a second comparative element comparing the causal factors operating in three different regions; and lastly, a theoretical element examining the usefulness of current theory to the phenomenon of regionalism in the 1980s and 1990s. Chapters Two and Three discuss the relevant theoretical literature with a view to developing the propositions to be examined in the case studies. They examine three of the major streams of international relations theory - realism, liberal economics, and institutionalism - with a focus on what these contending theories have had to say about how regional groupings arise. Chapter Two looks at the relevant theoretical literature in the 1950s and 1960s while Chapter Three explores the more recent theoretical literature of the 1970s and 1980s. ¶ The rest of the body of the thesis tests propositions set out at the end of Chapter Three on the causes of the regionalist revival in the 1980s by way of three case studies, each one concerned with the actual development of regionalism in three different parts of the globe: Western Europe, North America and the Asia Pacific. ¶ In all three regions the move towards regionalism was clearly a reaction to negative developments in the international economic and political systems. It was in part a specific response to the undermining of the liberal international trading regime and the associated rise in protectionism, particularly in the US. It was also partly the result of an ideational shift in terms of economic doctrine away from keynesianism and import substitution industrialisation to economic liberalism and export-oriented economic growth. Yet it is also apparent from the case studies that the new regionalism was also to some extent the result of a kind of interactive chain reaction, a spiral of mutual anxiety, with regionalism in one area provoking an extension of regionalism in another. It is indeed difficult to establish which of these causal explanations is the principal one as it is clear from the case studies that they are in fact mutually reinforcing. ¶ The thesis concludes with an analysis of the insights provided by the case studies into the theoretical debates examined in Chapters Two and Three. Finally, there is an attempt to use these insights to construct a theory accounting for the rise of the new regionalism.

歐洲共同體於一九九三年一月一日已成功的撤除會員國間邊境管制，確實 達成單一市場計劃，促進會員國間人員、貨物、勞務及資本完全自由流通 ，建立無邊界內部市場之目標。 歐體租稅調和係建立內部市場之要務 。其調和間接稅目的，在於消除會員國間租稅差異所致競爭扭曲，及避免 邊境管制撤除之逃稅及套利行為。理論上租稅調和雖可消除租稅差異所致 扭曲，但租稅改變可能會有另一扭曲，調和是否符合租稅中立，有待探討 。另外歐體加值稅調和政策，在各國國內利益考量下政治妥協之結果，能 否符合調和理論，及達成歐體調和租稅理想亦值深究。 歐體認為間接 稅調和係消除競爭扭曲，理論上其經濟衝擊為何，各學者互有看法。有學 者認為，僅在宗主國原則下，租稅調和方造成貿易條件變動，其福利變動 應視租稅引致價格變動之超額負擔及淨租稅流量變動大小而定。另則認為 ，若租稅調和各國稅率趨向加權平均之單一稅率，調和將有福利改善效果 。而不論宗主國原則或目的地原則、會員國貿易方向相同或相反，其租稅 調和並無國際所得分配效果，但若為目的地原則改變為受限宗主國原則， 則高稅率國所得分配改善，另則惡化。 目的地原則下，稅率差異不影 響貿易流量。宗主國原則是否扭曲貿易則有爭議。早期認為一般加值稅， 在匯率浮動及完全價格彈性前提下，並無貿易扭曲。受限宗主國原則只有 在會員國雙邊貿易平衡情況下方無扭曲；亦有學者主張會員國稅率差異將 有實質所得移轉導致貿易扭曲；另外由於加值稅為消費稅，稅率差異致相 對價格不同，造成生產扭曲。因此租稅調和理論上認為稅率一致，始得消 除其貿易流量變動扭曲。 跨國交易採目的地原則在效率、公平及行政 處理考慮下較為合宜，然須有邊境管制，不符單一市場精神。故有採行帳 簿記帳制度配合之建議。其方法有二，一為遞延支付計劃，另一為清算中 心制度。 歐體採循序漸進方式調和間接稅，首先調和移轉稅制。由於 其不具租稅中立性，應改制為加值稅。其次調和稅基，建立共同評價標準 。最後調和稅率，於一九九二年底完成大部份租稅調和，確實達單一市場 廢除財政邊界目標。 綜觀歐體循序漸進調和政策，使加值稅調和可逐 漸達成歐體理想，亦逐步接近理論上租稅調和一致，避免扭曲。但理論上 認為，調和政策實施將有國際所得重分配，歐體亦應正視此一問題，早謀 因應。

<p>This study examines the possible incompatibility between environmental conventions and agreements promoting international trade. More specifically, it aims at discussing the Precautionary Principle and the WTO agreements on trade and how they might contradict each other on the international arena. The study focuses on the international trade with genetically modified organisms and discusses probable needs of reformulating the principles and/or conventions concerned if these are to function as tools of equal importance when handling environmental problems through policy making. The controversy is illustrated through a case-study of a trade dispute where the conflicting principles: the Precautionary Principle and WTO agreements on trade are involved, namely a dispute where a formal complaint to the WTO by the US, Canada and Argentina about the European Community supposedly applying a de facto moratorium on genetically modified organisms had the final outcome of the European Community being found to contravene international trade rules. The study concludes that actors on the international arena are still opinions apart concerning the way to perceive possible risks connected to biotechnology and genetically modified organisms. This incongruence is also found to apply to the status of the Precautionary Principle as a rule of international law as well as to which of the conventions that were applicable to the concerned dispute.</p>

This study examines the possible incompatibility between environmental conventions and agreements promoting international trade. More specifically, it aims at discussing the Precautionary Principle and the WTO agreements on trade and how they might contradict each other on the international arena. The study focuses on the international trade with genetically modified organisms and discusses probable needs of reformulating the principles and/or conventions concerned if these are to function as tools of equal importance when handling environmental problems through policy making. The controversy is illustrated through a case-study of a trade dispute where the conflicting principles: the Precautionary Principle and WTO agreements on trade are involved, namely a dispute where a formal complaint to the WTO by the US, Canada and Argentina about the European Community supposedly applying a de facto moratorium on genetically modified organisms had the final outcome of the European Community being found to contravene international trade rules. The study concludes that actors on the international arena are still opinions apart concerning the way to perceive possible risks connected to biotechnology and genetically modified organisms. This incongruence is also found to apply to the status of the Precautionary Principle as a rule of international law as well as to which of the conventions that were applicable to the concerned dispute.

Magistro darbe nagrinėjama Europos Bendrijos teisės aktų teisėtumo priežiūros tema. Jos svarbą lemia ta aplinkybė, kad EB institucijos yra įpareigotos priimti tik teisėtus aktus ir negali išvengti savo priimtų teisės aktų teisėtumo priežiūros. EB teisės aktų teisėtumas yra tikrinamas trijose pagrindinėse procedūrose – ieškinyje dėl teisės akto panaikinimo (EB sutarties 230 str.), preliminariame nutarime dėl teisės akto galiojimo (234 str.) ir prašyme dėl teisės akto netaikymo (241 str.). Šių procedūrų skirtumai bei ypatybės ir sudaro šio darbo objektą. Magistro darbas susideda iš trijų dalių. Pirmojoje yra aptariama EB tiesės aktų teisėtumo priežiūros funkcijų svarba. Šios funkcijos yra patikėtos Europos Teisingumo Teismui ir Pirmosios instancijos teismui, kurie turi užtikrinti tiek EB institucijų kontrolę, tiek efektyvią privačių asmenų teisių apsaugą. Antrojoje darbo dalyje yra analizuojami atskiri teisėtumo priežiūros procedūrų skirtumai – kokios yra privačių asmenų, valstybių narių ir EB institucijų galimybės inicijuoti minėtas procedūras, kokių EB institucijų ir kurių rūšių teisės aktų teisėtumas gali būti tikrinamas, kokie yra senaties terminai procedūroms pradėti, kokie yra ETT ir PIT sprendimų, priimtų teisėtumo priežiūros procedūrose, teisinių pasekmių skirtumai. Ypatingas dėmesys nagrinėjant teisėtumo kontrolės procedūrų skirtumus yra skiriamas privačių asmenų teisėms. Trečiojoje magistro darbo dalyje yra aptariamas teisėtumo priežiūros procedūrų tarpusavio... [to full text] / This diploma work deals with the issues of the review of the legality of European Community acts. The importance of this theme is based on the grounds that all Community institutions are obliged to adopt only legal measures and cannot avoid the review of their acts. There are three main procedures in which the legality of EC acts may be challenged – an action for annulment (article 230 of EC Treaty), a plea of illegality (article 241) and a preliminary ruling on validity of a Community act (article 234). The differences and specific features of these procedures constitute an object of this work. The diploma work is diveded in three parts. The first part concerns the necessity of functions of review of the legality of EC measures. These functions are entrusted to Community judicature – the Court of Justice and the Court of First Instance – and must ensure the control of EC institutions and the effective protection of the rights of private parties as well. In the second part of this work it is analysed what are the possibilities of private parties, member states and EC institutions to initiate each of the mentioned procedure, what types of acts and of which institutions are susceptible to judicial review, what are the time limits to bring proceedings, what are the grounds of illegality of EC measures and what are the effects of decisions given by Community courts in the procedures of judicial review. The special attention in examining the differences between the procedures is... [to full text]

The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This work presents the problematic one of the adoption of the action for insult, one of the procedural mechanisms of communitarian justice, in the Latin American right of the Mercosul. For the resolution of the situation problem it was looked to stand out the main characteristics of the European Union and the Mercosul, main with respect to the current structure and to the way of solution of controversies, through the comparative analysis enters the existing divergences between these organisms. The European Union constitutes an organization, in which the European Community law is valid, with the forecast of procedural instruments that guarantee the correct observance of the common norms, serving of paradigm for the Mercosul. The material right to be effective needs procedural norms that assure correct observance and effectiveness of these, therefore the procedural mechanisms is very excellent for the concretion of the legal security that the international organizations need for magnifying of its process of integration. However, the adoption of the action for existing insult in the Union European in the Mercosul demands considerable modifications in the scope of the organization and its State-members, aiming at to the valuation of the communitarian interests, front to the effective values individualistic then. / Este trabalho apresenta a problemática da adoção da ação por incumprimento, um dos mecanismos processuais da justiça comunitária, no direito latino-americano do Mercosul. Para a resolução da situação problema procurou-se ressaltar as principais características da União Européia e do Mercosul, precipuamente no que concerne à estrutura atual e ao modo de solução de controvérsias, através da análise comparativa entre as divergências existentes entre esses organismos. A União Européia constitui uma organização, na qual vige o direito comunitário, com a previsão de instrumentos processuais que garantem a correta observância das normas comuns, servindo de paradigma para o Mercosul. O direito material para ser efetivo necessita de normas processuais que assegurem correta observância e efetividade destas, por isso os mecanismos processuais são muito relevantes para a concretização da segurança jurídica de que as organizações internacionais precisam para ampliação do seu processo de integração. Porém, a adoção da ação por incumprimento existente na União Européia no Mercosul exige modificações consideráveis no âmbito da organização e de seus Estados-membros, visando à valorização dos interesses comunitários, frente aos valores individualista então vigentes.

O trabalho busca demonstrar se realmente houve uma mudança em termos concretos da política externa britânica para a Comunidade Econômica Europeia desde a declaração de inflexão feita pela primeira-ministra Margaret Thatcher no Discurso de Bruges em 1988. Para atingir este objetivo, o trabalho apresenta as circunstâncias que acabaram culminando no teor das declarações contidas no discurso, esclarece os principais pontos declarados, faz um levantamento das fases de relacionamento do Reino Unido sob o governo Thatcher com a Comunidade Europeia e analisa os níveis de mudança de política externa para comprovar sua real ocorrência no caso britânico. A conclusão do trabalho evidencia que, apesar das declarações do discurso, o Reino Unido não fez nenhuma mudança objetiva nas relações com o processo de integração europeia naquele momento, embora o discurso tenha passado a exercer influência no crescente euroceticismo britânico a partir de então. / This work seeks to demonstrate if there really was a change in concrete terms of British foreign policy towards the European Economic Community from the inflection made by the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in her 1988 Bruges Speech. To achieve this objective, this work presents the circumstances that culminated in the content of the speech\'s declaration, clarifies the main declared points, reviews the main relationship phases in United Kingdom\'s relationship under Thatcher\'s government with the European Community and analyses the levels of foreign policy change to check its real occurrence in the British case. This work\'s conclusion brings evidence that despite of the speech\'s declarations, United Kingdom did no objective change in its relations with the European integration process in that moment; however, the speech became an influence over the growing British Euroscepticism since then.