Smart growth tools address a diverse range of specific concerns, including historic preservation, farmland protection, habitat conservation, flexible architectural design, and expedited land development. Smart growth unites the traditionally separate and competing growth promotion and growth control measures into a single growth accommodation approach. In addition to these important concepts, Henry R. Richmond posits that smart growth must now be explained within the context of “new urbanism” and “new regionalism.” What smart growth tries to accomplish is thus development with implied improvements in quality of life and environmental protection rather than mere urban growth or economic expansion per se. An important obstacle to smart growth measures is that growth problems rarely respect political boundaries. Scattered development patterns, as well as the traffic congestion, environmental degradation, fiscal stresses, and other problems that often accompany them, tend to be regional in nature, extending beyond the boundaries of any one locality. Accordingly, many growth problems are better addressed through regional solutions that federal, state and local smart growth measures my not provide. The general premise of “new regionalism” is that the economic health of the city and its outlying areas are inseparably intertwined, and that without regional planning and programs, individual jurisdictions in a single region compete with one another for limited resources and economic investment. New regionalists typically advocate from one of these three competing positions: greater economic prosperity, increased environmental protection, or improved social equity. Consequently, many politicians, advocates and activists are calling for the implementation of integrated policies that address the interrelatedness of all regional challenges, including housing, transportation, water, sewage, and other regional physical infrastructure systems. Denver evidences a suite of tensions between the promise and outcomes of planning with a wider, regional applicability. On the one hand, there is a progressiveness that embraces regional governance, growth management, economic vitality and quality infrastructure. But on the other hand, there is the reality of city sprawl, competitive local government relationships, and a convergence of interest between citizen choice and development industry behavior. This report will illustrate three issues regarding effective and efficient regional planning implementation at local, state and federal levels in the context of regional planning efforts in the Denver Metro Area. First, why does infill development and economic revitalization not only benefit the central city but the region as a whole? Secondly, how do land-use assignments and development design, like Smart Growth and New Urbanism, encourage regional planning efforts towards integrated mass transit? Finally, How does government fragmentation and overlap contribute to the lack of regional consensus and efficient planning? / text

controversial since the ratification of the Constitution in 1789. In 1793, the Supreme Court ruled that the states had no sovereign immunity. The Eleventh Amendment reversed this ruling about the Constitution. The Eleventh Amendment itself has also been very controversial. We study the history and development of sovereign immunity jurisprudence from the founding of the United States until the present time.

This thesis examines the relationship between the federal government and states governments. Through case studies, I determine how each body determines their access to constitutional authority.

The fall of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I enabled the victorious Western powers to implement the Sykes-Picot Treaty and reshape the geopolitical structure of the Middle East. The imposition of arbitrary borders on the Middle East region, specifically the state of Iraq, would lead to significant conflicts over the course of the 20th century. In 2003, a US-led invasion would further compound the instability and sectarian conflict within Iraq by completely dismantling the state. In the years after the invasion, the United States has been directly involved unsuccessfully in trying to rebuild and stabilize the state of Iraq. The goal of this study is to propose and analyze four options for the future geopolitical structure of Iraq that, by design, could maintain the current geopolitical borders and possibly contribute to stability in the Middle East. A qualitative approach that examines the benefits of different models of government is used to identify themes that may apply to the state of Iraq, Because adoption of any of the proposed options depends on choices that must be made by the Iraqi government, this thesis presents only a theoretical argument about the country’s likely future. It is my contention that the most likely route to achieving long-term political stability within Iraq is implementation of a federalist model of government that resembles the Swiss model. The Swiss model provides a framework to create ethnic tolerance through specific power devolution, internal cooperation, and conflict resolution between the different tribal and ethnic groups within each region, and external cooperation and adjudication of issues between the regions and the central government. This study’s results show that the different options analyzed all have positive and negative characteristics. The three-region Swiss model provided an exceptional framework and addressed a number of Iraq’s problems, but elements of the other models could be implemented into the three-region model to create a more stable state. Further analysis is needed to determine the best model of government to stabilize Iraq.

Since the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1951, the European Union has emerged from a limited economic confederation to a supranational federal polity. There is, however, little work based in federal theory that seeks to understand the European Union as a federation nor the process by which that was achieved. Federal theory gives us two means of understanding federal government – federalism as techne and as telos. Federalism as techne informs us of the institutions and structures involved in federal governance. Federalism as telos provides the ideas, norms and values of federalism. Thus it is possible to speak of the federal idea (telos) and the institutions that embody it (techne).The process of federalisation of the European Union has seen the separation of these strands. Federal ideas do not necessarily lead to federal governance regimes; federal governance outcomes are not necessarily based on federal ideas. The European Union has adopted, over time, federal governance structures due to pragmatic concerns with institutional efficiency, bargain implementation, defection from agreement, and the equality of member states. The institutions created by the member states have themselves contributed to the federalisation process. Rarely has the federalisation process moved forward due to a belief in the value of federation itself.

149f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-06-06T17:24:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado - Vinicius Mascarenhas de Oliveira.pdf: 1854151 bytes, checksum: 2b0f5f457ca86446bfe919db1c83c1a6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-06-07T18:12:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado - Vinicius Mascarenhas de Oliveira.pdf: 1854151 bytes, checksum: 2b0f5f457ca86446bfe919db1c83c1a6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-07T18:12:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado - Vinicius Mascarenhas de Oliveira.pdf: 1854151 bytes, checksum: 2b0f5f457ca86446bfe919db1c83c1a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / CAPES / O objetivo deste trabalho é a investigação sobre o desenvolvimento de atividades, tais como as revoltas, a criação de associações, de jornais e panfletos, bem como a ação política nos órgãos institucionais, que tiveram como finalidade facilitar, propagandear, impor ou concretizar a proposta federal na Província da Bahia das regências, entre os anos de 1831 e 1838. Buscou-se superar as limitações de uma perspectiva que privilegiou as revoltas armadas em detrimento de outras maneiras de sustentar a bandeira federalista, demonstrando a presença desta em diversas conjunturas: preparação para as revoltas, debates por reformas constitucionais, impactos do Ato Adicional. Embora a federação estivesse ancorada na ação política de letrados de classe média exaltados, alguns de seus elementos alcançaram influência no pensamento de representantes moderados, sobretudo no que diz respeito à divisão das rendas do governo central e das províncias. The objective of this work is the research on the development of activities, such as revolts, creating associations, newspapers and pamphlets, as well as political action in institutional bodies, which were intended to facilitate, propagandize, impose or implement the proposal federal in the Province of Bahia of regencies, between the years 1831 and 1838. The goal was to overcome a limited perspective that favored armed revolts over other ways of sustaining the banner of federalism, demonstrating the presence of this in various situations: preparation for revolts, debates on constitutional reforms, impacts of the Additional Act. Although the federation was anchored in political action of people literate of exalted middle-class, some of its elements reached influence the thinking of moderate representatives, particularly with regard to the division of revenues from the government central and of provinces. / Salvador

Inscrita no âmbito da Ciência Política, a presente tese trata da elite, da geopolítica em Roraima, do poder que existia no Território Federal do Rio Branco (depois transformado no estado de Roraima), e da estrutura de poder do Estado Federado, no período de 1943 a 1994. Para tanto, inicialmente, fazemos a contextualização histórica da região, abordando as questões referentes às disputas geopolíticas entre Portugal e Espanha, que acarretaram, por conseguinte, o descobrimento do Brasil, a conquista e ocupação da Amazônia, do Grão-Pará, do Amazonas e do rio Branco, bem como a construção do Forte São Joaquim, os aldeamentos dos índios na região, o ciclo da borracha, a questão da criação dos territórios e, ainda, o processo de institucionalização de seus principais atores. Em seguida, tratamos da criação do Território Federal do Rio Branco, em 1943, e de sua posterior transformação em Estado da Federação, em 1988, com a promulgação da Constituição do Brasil de 1988. Os fatos relevantes do período em tela, que culminaram na atual configuração de Roraima, são objeto da presente tese, que analisa as estratégias geopolíticas empregadas para a institucionalização do poder em Roraima, dando ênfase a suas potencialidades e dificuldades, cujo fim é fazer propostas pertinentes. Para tanto, além da pesquisa bibliográfica aprofundada, realizamos entrevistas com ex-atores políticos de Roraima, que possibilitaram o acréscimo de informações não disponíveis em outras fontes. Por fim, apresentamos apêndices e anexos, que visam ao enriquecimento da presente pesquisa. / With part in Political Science, this thesis deals with the geopolitical in Roraima, the power that existed in the Federal Territory RioBranco (after Roraima) and the power structure as the federal state, covering the period from 1943 to 1994.For this purpose, initially, a historical contextualization was carried from the geopolitical issues in Portugal and Spain that led the discovery of Brazil, the conquest and occupation of the Amazon, Grão Para, Amazonas, Rio Branco, Fort San Joaquin construction, the villages of the Indians in the region, rubber boom, the question of the creation of territories and its main actors. The creation of the Federal Territory of Rio Branco (after Roraima) in 1943, and the transformation into state of the Federation in 1988 with the promulgation of the Constitution of Brazil of 1988. The relevant facts of the period here proposed that culminated in the current configuration ofRoraima are treated in this thesis, analyzing from the geopolitical strategies used for the power of institutionalization in Roraima, leaving aside their potential and difficulties, exposing before this, relevant proposals. In the methodological part and enriched even more this thesis, it was possible to conduct interviews with former political actors of Roraima, which in addition to bibliographic and documentary contribution available, added with these unique information sources, often not available other sources. They also present appendices and timely attachments to the enrichment of this doctoral research.

The past several decades have witnessed a remarkable increase in the number of amicus curiae briefs filed at the U.S. Supreme Court. While scholars debate the effectiveness of amicus curiae briefs, they generally agree on the effectiveness of briefs filed by executive attorneys. A plethora of studies address the amicus curiae brief activity of the solicitor general, but relatively few examine state attorneys general. State attorneys general are the legal representatives of the states and have become increasingly successful as amici since the early 1980s. I explore state attorney general amicus curiae brief activity and argue that existing theories of amicus curiae participation by the solicitor general and interest groups, are inadequate for state attorneys general because of the unique institutional context in which state attorneys general operate. State attorneys general, I argue, must balance political, legal, and administrative factors when filing amicus curiae briefs. I also recognizes that amicus curiae briefs are not a singular event and are instead a process in which actors make several decisions across a variety of contexts. Within each context each factor takes on a different weight. I conclude state attorneys general are strategic political actors who consider political, legal, and administrative factors in their amicus curiae briefs.

Since 2003 Iraq has struggled dealing with a new type of federal constitutionalism and engaged in three separate elections. It is expected that this federalism will encompass all the ethnic and religious groups and create more peace and stability between these groups. One of my major concentrations in this thesis will be to evaluate the successes and failures of this new federalism and its record in reducing the range of violence and conflict between Iraqi ethnic and religious groups. My question will be what has been the effect of federalism on ethnic conflict in Iraq? Has federalism in Iraq decreased ethnic violence or fueled more ethnic problems? I will evaluate the role of federalism in Iraq and the effect of federalism on ethnic conflict in Iraq. I will evaluate this new political system and then make some observations about tensions and disagreements between Kurds and Arabs since the implementation of Iraqi federal system. The idea of Federalism in Iraq as an approach to solving these ethnic conflicts and decreasing the bloodshed between all the different ethnic and religious groups has become a necessary and vital strategy for maintaining the fragile balance of power in the new nation . I will focus on federalism's effect on ethnic conflict in Iraq and how federalism can be used to improve the ethnic tensions in the country.

Why do interstate barriers persist and proliferate in the US and go unnoticed by neoliberal policy-makers, while in other places, like the EU, they get systematically addressed? I challenge the common assumption that the EU is trying but failing to emulate the single market created in the US a long time ago. I show that in many ways, the EU has adopted more liberal rules for the exchange of goods and services across its members states than the US has in effect across its state borders. Focused on the US, I assemble a wide-ranging set of evidence for this assertion ranging from federal policies pursued by conservative administrations since the 1980s and conservative think tank scholarship to an in-depth study of mobility and market barriers in the construction industry. To explain this, I develop two arguments. Firstly, I argue that American and European free-marketeers fundamentally conceptualize markets differently, with American conservatives seeing them as the natural product of government-non-intervention, and European officials seeing them has a deliberate creation of central authority. This leads to different market building strategies with differential effectiveness. At the same time, I argue that the fragmentation and decentralization of the party and interest representation system in the US incentivizes state by state and sector by sector thinking and dis-incentivizes political action—leaving the bigger picture, i.e. interstate barriers, unchanged. Especially interest groups struggle to articulate preferences for inter-state or cross-sectoral cooperation due to organizational incentives. Applying a Bayesian process-tracing logic to mostly within-case and some cross-case evidence, I test conventional structural and institutional theories against my account. Tracing the lack of mobilization of conservative policy-makers and agenda-setters around federal market authority since the 1980s, and interviews with firms, regulators, and legislators about interstate barriers in the construction industry, clearly demonstrate how their imagination of markets prevents a single market building agenda top-down while institutional structures prevent it bottom-up. This is a novel argument, speaking to broader debates about the socially-constructed nature of markets. Studying the US shows that interstate barriers and local protectionism flourish when no central authority deliberately creates ‘free markets’.