This dissertation examines multiple state and local expenditure categories in the United States to expand understanding of fiscal federalism and spatial interactions among governments. First, the author investigates the relationship between police expenditures and crime rates from a spatial perspective. Both police expenditures and crime rates in one state are found to exhibit a similar pattern to that in neighboring states. Spatial correlation is also detected between police expenditures and crime rates. As police of neighbors in fact deter crime at home, there are positive externalities present among the states. Second, the author conducts new tests on the Leviathan hypothesis, i.e., more competition, smaller government. While cost efficiency is used in place of government size to capture the idea that fiscal decentralization reduces wasteful expenditures, spatial interaction is taken as another measure for decentralization. The hypothesis is supported by some evidence from total, police, highway, and welfare expenditures.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

La structure de la réglementation des valeurs mobilières au Canada fait périodiquement l'objet d'un débat public et une des questions sous-jacentes est celle du partage des compétences législatives prévu par la Constitution canadienne. Le débat a été relancé en 2003 par la recommandation d'un comité de personnes averties de centraliser cette réglementation au fédéral. Les provinces, sauf l'Ontario, demeurent opposées à l'idée, préférant plutôt l'harmonisation réglementaire. Pour alléger le fardeau réglementaire des émetteurs, elles tentent également de mettre en oeuvre un « régime de passeport ». Ce débat présente la question comme un jeu à somme nulle, occultant ainsi certains principes fondamentaux du fédéralisme: innovation provinciale dans une union économique nationale. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons donc une structure réglementaire, basée sur la théorie de la concurrence intergouvernementale, qui s'harmonise avec les compétences du gouvernement fédéral et des provinces tout en optimisant leurs atouts respectifs. / Public debate over the structure of Canada's securities regulation occurs periodically, with the constitution al division of powers being one of its underlying issues. The debate was reignited in 2003 when a Wise Persons Committee recommended that securities be regulated centrally by the federal government. The provinces, other than Ontario, maintain their opposition to this proposai, seeking instead regulatory harmonization. To alleviate the regulatory burden on issuers, the provinces are also implementing a "passport system". However, the debate appears to present the alternatives as a zero-sum game, thereby overlooking some of federalism's fundamental principles: provincial innovation, within a national economic union. This thesis proposes a regulatory structure, based on the theory of intergovernmental competition, that remains in harmony with the constitutional powers of the federal government and the provinces, while optimizing their respective strengths.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine and re-evaluate the questions involved in federalism and political problems in Nigeria. The strategy adopted in this study is historical, The study examines past, recent, and current literature on federalism and political problems in Nigeria. Basically, the first two chapters outline the historical background and basis of Nigerian federalism and political problems. Chapters three and four consider the evolution of federalism, political problems, prospects of federalism, self-government, and attainment of complete independence on October 1, 1960. Chapters five and six deal with the activities of many groups, crises, military coups, and civil war. The conclusions and recommendations candidly argue that a decentralized federal system remains the safest way for keeping Nigeria together stably.

Au regard des dégâts environnementaux au cours des dernières années, il est important de mettre en œuvre des politiques environnementales efficaces afin de lutter contre le changement climatique, de préserver la biodiversité, et de réduire les pollutions de l'eau et de l'air. Le secteur énergétique est l'un des principaux contributeurs à la détérioration de l'environnement. Ainsi, afin d'atteindre les objectifs environnementaux, l'établissement de politiques énergétiques efficaces est primordial. A cet effet, il semble indispensable de mener une démarche inclusive et transversale en impliquant l'ensemble des acteurs des différents échelons (locaux, régionaux, nationaux, internationaux,...). Dès lors, l'identification de l’échelon optimal est cruciale dans une optique d'élaboration des politiques énergétiques efficaces. La thèse s'attache précisément à éclairer les enjeux liés à la fiscalité énergétique. Ainsi, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'analyser la nature des interactions environnementales, qu'elles soient entre régions ou Etats, en termes de fiscalité ou de dépenses environnementales. Les contributions de cette thèse sont à la fois théorique et empirique. D'un point de vue empirique, cette thèse s'est d'abord focalisée sur l’étude de la fiscalité énergétique sous l'angle des interactions spatiales. En particulier, le chapitre 1 teste la présence des interactions spatiales des départements français via la vignette automobile. Ce chapitre fournit une analyse empirique de la réaction de la politique fiscale d'un département français suite à un changement de la politique fiscale de ces voisins. Tout d'abord, en utilisant une approche économétrique spatiale en panel, les résultats montrent l'existence d'une dépendance spatiale positive, suggérant l'existence d'un comportement mimétique des départements français lors de la détermination des taux de la vignette automobile. Ensuite, ce chapitre met également en évidence une relation entre les impôts directs locaux et ceux indirects locaux. En particulier, les résultats des estimations montrent que le taux de la taxe professionnelle (resp. la taxe sur le foncier non bâti) et la vignette fiscale sont des substituts alors que le taux de la taxe d'habitation (resp. la taxe sur le foncier non bâti) sont des compléments à la vignette automobile. Enfin, les résultats montrent que les départements avec des populations plus grandes, plus jeunes et plus âgées fixent des montants plus élevés de la vignette automobile. D'un point de vue théorique, le but du chapitre 2 est d'analyser les interactions fiscales entre plusieurs niveaux de gouvernements (en particulier deux niveaux de décisions), dans lesquels il existe plusieurs juridictions de niveaux inférieurs identiques, telles que les États ou encore les collectivités locales, et une juridiction unique de premier plan, telle que l'Etat fédéral, un pays ou une union communautaire, toutes ces juridictions pouvant taxer deux bases fiscales à savoir, le capital et la ressource énergétique. Nous déterminons grâce à la formalisation théorique les implications en termes de distorsions fiscales de l'architecture fiscale dans le cadre d'une politique énergétique. En particulier, en recourant au jeu de Nash, nos résultats montrent d'une part une substitution entre les taxes fédérales et locales sur l'énergie impliquant que les gouvernements locaux augmentent leurs taux de taxation de l'énergie en réponse à une baisse du taux de la taxe fédérale sur l'énergie, toutes choses égales par ailleurs. D'autre part, nous constatons que les taxes locales sur l’énergie ont une incidence positive sur la qualité de l’environnement, ce qui suggère que la décentralisation de la politique énergétique peut jouer un rôle crucial pour atténuer les dommages environnementaux. Enfin, à travers le chapitre 3, nous testons d'un point de vue empirique l'existence d'une interdépendance spatiale entre les pays de l'OCDE via les dépenses environnementales. / In the light of environmental damage in recent years, it is important to implement effective environmental policies to combat climate change, preserve biodiversity, and reduce water and air pollution. The energy sector is one of the main contributors to the deterioration of the environment. Thus, in order to achieve environmental objectives, establishing effective energy policies is paramount. To this end, it seems essential to carry out an inclusive and transversal approach by involving all actors at different levels (local, regional, national, international, etc.). Therefore, identifying the optimal step is crucial for effective energy policy development. The thesis focuses on clarifying the issues related to energy taxation. Thus, the main objective of this thesis is to analyze the nature of environmental interactions, be they between regions or states, in terms of taxation or environmental expenses. The contributions of this are both theoretical and empirical.From an empirical point of view, this thesis first focuses on the study of energy taxation from the perspective of spatial interactions. In particular, Chapter 1 tests the presence of spatial interactions of French departments via the car sticker. This chapter provides an empirical analysis of the reaction of the tax policy of a French department following a change in the tax policy of these neighbors. First, by using a spatial econometric panel approach, the results show evidence of spatial dependence, suggesting the existence of a mimetic behavior of French departments when determining the rates of the car sticker. Next, this chapter also highlights a relationship between local direct taxes and indirect local taxes. In particular, the results of the estimates show that the rate of the business tax (or the tax on undeveloped land) and the road tax sticker are substitutes, whereas the residential tax rate (or the tax rate on developed land) are complements to the road tax sticker. Finally, the results show that departments with larger, younger and older populations are setting higher amounts of the car sticker.From a theoretical point of view, the purpose of Chapter 2 is to analyze the tax interactions between several levels of government (in particular two levels of decision-making), in which there are several jurisdictions of similar lower levels, such as local authorities, and a single leading jurisdiction, such as the federal state, a country or a community union, all of which can tax two tax bases, namely, capital and energy resources. Through theoretical formalization, we determine the implications in terms of tax distortions of tax architecture in the context of an energy policy. In particular, using the Nash game, our results show, on the one hand, a substitution between federal and local taxes on energy, implying that local governments increase their energy tax rates in response to a fall in the rate of energy. of the federal energy tax, all other things being equal. On the other hand, we find that local taxes on energy have a positive impact on the quality of the environment, suggesting that decentralization of energy policy can play a crucial role in mitigating environmental damage.Finally, in Chapter 3, we empirically test the existence of spatial interdependence among OECD countries through environmental spending. To this end, we use data from 30 OECD countries for the period 1994-2014 and a wide range of economic and political control variables.

O progressivo desenvolvimento das relações internacionais, acompanhado dos múltiplos reflexos da globalização, em especial do aparecimento de novos sujeitos que atuam, concomitantemente, nos âmbitos interno e externo, resultou na intensificação dos pontos de contatos entre Direito Constitucional e Direito Internacional. Esse cenário faz que, cada vez mais, as fronteiras entre o nacional e o exterior tornem-se rarefeitas, impondo significativas transformações em conceitos tradicionais consagrados pelo tempo. Assim, as Constituições nacionais abrem-se para o Direito das Gentes e as normas internacionais antes encarregadas de apenas possibilitar a coexistência entre soberanias ampliam seu campo de incidência na medida em que passam a disciplinar temas que eram objeto de estudo somente do constitucionalismo. É exatamente esse acentuado entrelaçamento entre as ordens jurídicas que inspirou a elaboração desta tese, cujo escopo principal é o de contribuir para que se conheça, ainda que de modo incompleto, os reflexos sentidos no Direito Constitucional brasileiro em decorrência do processo de internacionalização das Constituições. Apesar da ambivalência inerente à problemática tratada, na compreensão desse complexo quadro, primou-se por um enfoque centrado na perspectiva do Direito Constitucional. Essa opção demandou, pois, análises que evidenciassem como o constitucionalismo pátrio sem perder sua identidade e preservando suas conquistas tem enfrentado o desafio de assegurar a execução interna de uma infinidade de mandamentos provenientes do exterior. As conclusões obtidas apontam para a importância de cultivar um permanente diálogo entre Constituição e Direito Internacional como instrumento para que essa crescente interconexão resulte em aperfeiçoamento de ambas as ordens jurídicas. Do ponto de vista do Direito Constitucional, cabe antecipar que a aproximação sistêmica em questão já permite vislumbrar a revitalização do funcionamento do mecanismo de freios e contrapesos derivado do princípio da separação de poderes, a valorização dos mandamentos exteriores por parte das autoridades nacionais responsáveis por aplicá-los e, ainda, o fortalecimento da autonomia federativa em matéria de interações com o mundo externo. Embora os resultados finais desse processo sejam incertos, acredita-se que ele não acabará com o papel das Constituições para os Estados nacionais porque, se isso acontece, toda a dinâmica dos relacionamentos estudados restará severamente comprometida. / The progressive development of international relations, followed by the multiple reflexes of globalization especially the emergence of new subjects that act simultaneously in the internal and external spheres has resulted in the intensification of the intersections between Constitutional law and International law. Such a scenario makes the boundaries between national and international increasingly rarefied, imposing significant changes in traditional concepts consecrated by time. Therefore, national Constitutions open up to the Ius Gentium and the international rules originally in charge of merely enabling the coexistence of sovereignties expanding their scope as they shall regulate topics that were formerly approached only by constitutionalism. It is precisely this strong entwinement of legal systems that has inspired the development of this thesis, whose main aim is to contribute for the knowing, albeit incomplete, of the reflexes felt in the Brazilian Constitutional law as a result of the internationalization process of Constitutions. Despite the ambivalence inherent to the problem approached, we have chosen to focus on the Constitutional law perspective in the understanding of this complex scenario. Such an option has demanded, thus, analyses that would evidence how national constitutionalism without losing its identity and by preserving its achievements has faced the challenge of ensuring the internal implementation of a plethora of external commands. The conclusions drawn highlight the importance of cultivating a constant dialogue between Constitution and International law as a means for this increasing interconnection to result in improvement for both legal systems. From the point of view of Constitutional law, we should anticipate that the systemic approximation at issue provides insight into the revitalization of the functioning of the checks and balances mechanism deriving from the principle of separation of powers, the valuing of external commands by the national authorities in charge of their enforcement, and also the strengthening of federal autonomy in terms of interaction with the external world. Even though the final results of this process are still uncertain, we believe that it will not end the role of the Constitutions for the national States, because, if that happens, the whole dynamics of the relationships studied will ultimately be severely compromised.

A presente tese tem como objetivo principal compreender o lugar como possibilidade solidária e cooperativa na constituição da federação brasileira. O federalismo é compreendido como forma de governo que aglutina a sociedade e o território em busca de igualdade, liberdade e solidariedade, na qual, as diferenças de cada unidade são preservadas na composição da união. O federalismo brasileiro, que tem características mais corporativas do que cooperativa, acentuou as desigualdades socioespaciais ao longo do século XX com a criação de espaços opacos e luminosos. As características de escassez ou abundância das densidades que caracterizam a constituição do meio técnico-científico-informacional produzem a fragmentação do território, ocasionando os usos desiguais. A federação de lugares, solidária e cooperativa, é uma possibilidade para combater as desigualdades nos usos do território. / The objective of this work is to understand place as a solidary and cooperative possibility in the constitution of the Brazilian federation. By federalism it is meant a way of government in which the differences of each unit are preserved in the composition of the union, and that combines society and the territory in search of equality. The Brazilian federalism that has rather than corporative characteristics than cooperative ones emphasized the sociospatial inequalities in the XX century with the creation of obscure and luminous spaces. The characteristics of shortage or abundance of the densities that characterize the constitution of the technical-scientific-informational environment produce the fragmentation of the territory, bringing about inequal uses. The federalism of places is solidary and cooperative and, in this way, is a possibility to combat inequality in the use of the territory.

A opção pela forma federativa de governo importa em compromisso com a existência de mais de um ente responsável, em territórios sobrepostos, pela realização das tarefas de arrecadação e gasto público, além de suas inerentes atividades políticas. O exercício dessas tarefas pode ser definido com rigor, em um regime dual, ou com possibilidade de auxílios mútuos, em um regime de cooperação. O Brasil adotou, como cláusula pétrea em sua Constituição, a forma de federação cooperativa, estruturada em três níveis de governo, tendo como consequência a divisão de competências materiais entre os componentes dessa federação. Apesar disso, os Tribunais brasileiros têm insistido em sustentar a tese de solidariedade obrigacional entre todos os entes federados em processo que tenham por objeto o controle de políticas públicas sociais. A imposição dessa obrigação solidária, além de desrespeitar a estrutura federativa e afrontar os princípios da efetividade e economicidade da administração com sobreposições e sobrecargas que facilitam o desperdício de verbas e a corrupção ainda não atenta para a regra de ouro da imposição de solidariedade obrigacional, que é a menção expressa em dispositivo legal ou constitucional. Conforme será demonstrado, as decisões proferidas pelos Tribunais nacionais em sede de controle jurisdicional de políticas públicas vem ignorando todo o arcabouço jurídico acerca do tema, além de impor aos entes federados desnecessária dificuldade de gestão de suas competências e de seus recursos financeiros. A defesa de responsabilidades divididas, porém, poderia gerar efeitos nefastos. É que, em sede processual, a demanda ajuizada em face do ente não diretamente responsável pela execução da política pública questionada poderia ser extinta sem resolução do mérito, impondo atrasos à efetivação de direitos sociais decorrentes de óbices processuais. Como os direitos fundamentais categoria na qual estão inseridos os direitos sociais exigem efetivação imediata e são sindicáveis judicialmente a partir dos comandos genéricos dados pela Constituição, foi preciso recorrer a uma técnica antiga já prevista no Brasil, porém mal compreendida de integração subjetiva da demanda por ordem do juiz, a intervenção iussu iudicis. Para evitar a repetição de erros, será refeito o caminho histórico de surgimento e desenvolvimento dessa técnica para melhor compreensão de seus escopos. / The option for the federal form of government matter commitment to the existence of more than one entity responsible, in overlapping territories, for performing the tasks of public collection and spending beyond their inherent political activities. The exercise of these tasks can be defined rigorously, in a dual system, or with the possibility of mutual aid, in a regime of cooperation. Brazil has adopted as entrenchment clause in its Constitution, a cooperative federation, structured in three levels of government, resulting in the division of powers between the material components of this federation. Nevertheless, the Brazilian Courts insisted on supporting the thesis of a mandatory solidarity among all federal entities in the suits whose purpose is the control of public policies. The imposition of such solidarity, besides disregarding the federal structure and defy the principles of effectiveness and economy of administration - with overlays and overloads that facilitate waste of money and corruption - not attentive to the golden rule imposing mandatory solidarity, which is the expressly stated in law or constitutional provision. As will be shown, the decisions handed down by national courts in the seat of judicial control of public policies has ignored the whole legal structure of the topic, and impose to federal entities an unnecessary difficulty in managing their skills and their financial resources. The defense of divided responsibilities, however, could generate adverse effects. Is that in procedural field, a suit filed in the face of an entity not being directly responsible for the execution of the questioned public policy demand could be terminated without resolution, imposing delays to the realization of social rights under procedural obstacles. As fundamental rights - the category in which they belong social rights - require effective immediately be investigated and are chargeable from generic commands given by the Constitution, it was necessary to resort to an old technique - already foreseen in Brazil, but poorly understood - a subjective integration demand by the judge\'s order, the intervention iussu iudicis. To avoid repeating mistakes, will be redone historical path emergence and development of this technique to better understand their scopes.

Esta pesquisa, de natureza qualitativa, tem como objetivo analisar os princípios, finalidades e diretrizes da política de educação especial da Secretaria Municipal de Educação de Campinas, bem como seus pontos, contrapontos e ajustes às políticas federais na perspectiva inclusiva. Para cumprir este objetivo, compilamos dados de matrícula, legislação e documentos produzidos por esta Secretaria, de 2005 a 2012. A análise dos dados considerou os documentos orientadores e legislação federal, o referencial teórico concernente à regulação e análise de política pública, ao federalismo brasileiro e à educação especial. A pesquisa evidencia que na política municipal a dimensão quantitativa do direito à educação das pessoas com deficiência, transtornos globais do desenvolvimento e altas habilidades/superdotação, que se refere ao seu acesso à classe comum, originou-se no bojo da proposta de integração escolar e de universalização da educação, instituída pela Constituição Federal de 1988. A dimensão qualitativa do direito à educação desse público, que diz respeito às formas e funções que o ensino deve assumir, foi introduzida timidamente na política municipal em 1991, com a instituição do apoio especializado do professor de educação especial na classe comum, e ganhou maior espaço, sobretudo a partir de 2010, com a proposta de reestruturação da escola para atender alunos com diferentes necessidades educacionais, sob a influência das diretrizes de educação inclusiva preconizada como compromisso político do governo federal, particularmente na gestão presidencial que teve início em 2003. A pesquisa mostra também que a política de educação especial municipal foi se concretizando pela oferta de um espectro de serviços: o apoio pedagógico especializado em classe comum, o atendimento educacional especializado complementar ou suplementar, o atendimento educacional hospitalar, o atendimento educacional domiciliar e o projeto escolas inclusivas bilíngues para surdos. Assim, o município de Campinas não é um ente federado apenas executor da opção política coordenada pelo governo federal que prioriza o atendimento educacional especializado em Salas de recursos multifuncionais, mas tem exercido as suas possibilidades de autonomia para formular e implementar suas políticas educacionais, devido às suas boas condições financeiras, políticas e técnicas, oferecendo um conjunto de serviços com a intenção de se adequar às necessidades dos diversos sujeitos público-alvo da educação especial. Todavia, nas normativas da política municipal ainda há omissão sobre a definição dos referenciais de atuação da educação especial no tocante ao como e o que fazer com os alunos nestes serviços municipais. Além disso, a política educacional campineira mantinha a possibilidade legal de que a educação especial pudesse ser realizada no âmbito das instituições especializadas filantrópicas, inclusive mantinha convênio com 23 destas, quando da coleta de dados para esta pesquisa. Isso porque a coordenação, o equilíbrio e a transformação das proposições políticas de educação especial municipal são determinados por inúmeros e distintos interesses, estratégias e lógicas aquelas das pessoas com deficiência e de seus pais, de algumas instituições especializadas, de profissionais da educação, da gestão de cada governo e da coordenação federativa , resultando no hibridismo, que consiste na sobreposição ou combinação de diferentes lógicas na política pública de educação especial. / This qualitative research aims at analyzing principles, objectives and guidelines of educational policies of the Secretary of Municipal Education of Campinas, as well as its points, counterpoints and adjustments regarding the federal policies for inclusion. In order to meet this goal, we have compiled data regarding enrollments, legislation and documents produced by this Secretary, from 2005 to 2012. The data analysis considered guiding documents and federal legislation, the theoretical reference regarding the regulation and analysis of public policies, federalism and special education. The research suggests that, in municipal politics, the quantitative dimension of the right to education of people with disabilities, pervasive developmental disorders and high ability/intellectual giftedness (which relates to the access to regular classes) derives from the proposal of school integration and universal education established by the Federal Constitution of 1988. The qualitative approach of educational rights (which relates to the forms and functions education must assume) was hesitantly introduced in 1991, with the establishment of specialized support from the special education teacher in the regular classroom; it was broadened in 2010, after the proposed school restructuration to receive students with different educational needs under the influence of the new (in 2003) federal government administrations guidelines for inclusive education. The research also shows that the municipal policies for special education was happening by the offer of a range of services: specialized educational support inside the regular classroom, complementary and supplementary specialized educational services, educational hospital care, educational home care, and the bilingual schools for the deaf project. Thus, the city of Campinas is not a federate entity that only performs coordinated policy options from the federal government, by prioritizing specialized educational service in multifunctional rooms; the city has exercised its autonomic possibilities in order to formulate and implement its own educational policies, due to good finances, politics and techniques, whilst offering a set of services aimed at the diverse needs of special education subjects and audiences. Nevertheless, the city politics regulations are still silent about the definition of action standards for special education regarding how and what these services should do for the students. Moreover, the city educational policy maintained the legal possibility of accomplishing special education inside philanthropic institutions; the municipality kept agreements with 23 of these, when data collection for this research was made. Coordination, balance and transformation of political propositions on special education in the city are determined by many different interests, strategies and logics: from disabled people and their parents, from some specialized institutions, from education professionals, from each governments management and federative coordination. This results in hybridism, which is the overlapping or combination of different logics in public policies of special education.

O objetivo da pesquisa é verificar os limites e possibilidades de uma política de fundos no financiamento da Educação Básica incidir positivamente na redução das desigualdades territoriais existentes na federação brasileira. O ponto de início é o caráter assimétrico da federação brasileira e a encruzilhada em que o país se encontra diante do enfraquecimento das bases do pacto federativo. Considera-se que o elo mais fraco da corrente federal é o município, justamente o ente mais sobrecarregado com responsabilidades educacionais. Depois de quinze anos de implementação de uma política de fundos (Fundef e Fundeb) tornou-se necessário verificar os seus efeitos na diminuição das desigualdades territoriais. Para testar a validade de políticas redistributivas reguladas pela União e com maior aporte de recursos, foi escolhido como variável o Município Brasileiro. Esta escolha se deve pelo peso relevante que este ente federado possui na prestação de serviços educacionais em nosso país, pela sobrecarga de responsabilidades que lhe foi transferida no processo de municipalização implementado nas últimas décadas e por expressarem, no seu conjunto e na sua diversidade, as assimetrias existentes na federação brasileira. Foi escolhido como pressuposto básico para uma nova política de financiamento a implantação de um padrão mínimo de qualidade e construída uma matriz baseada no conceito de Custo Aluno-Qualidade Inicial. Tanto as atualizações de pesquisas desenvolvidas por Marta Arretche quanto o resultado de quatro simulações de novos formatos para a política de financiamento da educação básica comprovaram que a possibilidade de políticas reguladas pela União reduzirem de forma significativa as desigualdades territoriais depende da dimensão do aporte financeiro do governo federal para o financiamento da educação básica. Ou seja, não é possível implantar um padrão mínimo de qualidade sem que a participação da União cresça de forma consistente. / The research objective is to test the limits and possibilities of policy funds in the financing of Basic Education have positive impact on the reduction of territorial inequalities existing in the Brazilian federation. The starting point is the asymmetrical Brazilian federation and the crossroads at which the country finds itself in the face of weakening the foundations of the federal pact. Its considered that the weakest link in the chain of the federal council is the county, just the being more overloaded with educational responsibilities. After fifteen years of policy implementation funds (Fundef and Fundeb) it became necessary to check its effect on reduction of territorial inequalities. To test the validity of redistributive policies regulated by the Union and with larger financial resources, was chosen as the variable the Brazilian county. This choice is due to the significant weight that this federal entity has in the provision of educational services in our country, the burden of responsibility that has been transferred in the county process implemented in recent decades and because they express, as a whole and in its diversity, the asymmetries in the Brazilian federation. It was chosen as a basic premise for a new policy of funding the implementation of a minimum standard of quality and a matrix was constructed based on the concept of Initial Student-Quality Cost. Both research updates developed by Marta Arretche as the result of four simulations of new formats for the policy of basic education funding have proven that the possibility of policies regulated by the Union significantly reduce territorial inequalities depends on the size of the financial contribution of the government federal funding of basic education. In other words, you cannot deploy a minimum standard of quality without consistent a grow of the participation of the Union.