This thesis uses a web site as its primary format. Readers are invited to visit www.birthofaregiment.com. Financed by a wealthy Montreal businessman, the original regiment was very British in its make-up. The Patricia’s were recruited and trained separate from the Canadian Expeditionary Force. For the first year of the war, they fought in a British brigade, under British officers using British weapons. By 1919, the PPCLI were distinctly Canadian. The Patricia’s became the best known Canadian regiment and one of three retained in the permanent force. This thesis examines that remarkable transition, the changes wrought by the war and the mechanisms used to reinforce the unique image of the Patricia’s. It also tests several myths embodied in the histories of the Regiment against a database of over five thousand files of soldiers who served with the Patricia’s during the First World War. / Graduate

Orientador: Álvaro Santos Simões Junior / Banca: Marlene Holzhausen / Banca: Fábio Luís Chiqueto Barbosa / Resumo: A pesquisa intitulada "A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)" objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / Abstract: The goal of the research entitled "Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)" is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky's critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author's relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s. / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-12-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:48:15Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 roszik_aa_me_assis.pdf: 1230308 bytes, checksum: 11540821cea3e0d3e83bdd1d6243bdd2 (MD5) / A pesquisa intitulada “A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)” objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / The goal of the research entitled “Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)” is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky’s critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author’s relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s.

Ce travail de thèse porte sur les destructions matérielles de la Grande Guerre et plus particulièrement sur la manière dont la société française s’est emparée des représentations de ruines pour en faire un symbole de douleur. Première conséquence directe et visible d’un conflit, les ruines témoignent de la guerre, de sa conduite, mais aussi des souffrances vécues par les militaires et les populations civiles. De l’artiste officiel rattaché aux armées au simple citoyen non mobilisé, en passant par le soldat anonyme, tous ont évoqué pendant la Première Guerre mondiale les destructions matérielles, les paysages désolés, la terre bouleversée par l’artillerie. Photographiées, dessinées, filmées, exposées à Paris, Londres ou Genève, les représentations de ruines se sont ainsi affichées dans les journaux, ont circulé sous forme de cartes postales et ont été reproduites dans divers ouvrages. Ces représentations iconographiques ont été instrumentalisées dès le commencement du conflit pour appuyer des discours contribuant à mobiliser les populations et à convaincre les pays neutres du bien-fondé de la guerre. Elles sont ensuite devenues une manière de rendre visible le conflit, mais surtout de témoigner de la violence nouvelle de cette guerre d’artillerie. Les descriptions littéraires en firent des corps vivants, blessés, transpositions anthropomorphes des soldats dont on montrait peu les corps. Cibles de la violence des armes, corps symboliques, fragiles, elles incarnèrent donc successivement le corps du combattant, puis le corps sacré de la Nation. La paix revenue, les ruines furent mobilisées une dernière fois pour appuyer les demandes de réparations de guerre. Elles furent aussi honorées par des remises de décorations et valorisées dans les circuits touristiques. Le débat autour des ruines se réduisit alors à un questionnement sur la conservation des vestiges de guerre. / This PhD work focuses on the material destruction caused by the Great War and more specifically on the way French society used the representations of ruins as a symbol of pain. As a first direct and visible consequence of conflict, ruins bear testimony to it, to its course, but also to the suffering of soldiers and civilian populations. Everybody, from the official military artist, the anonymous soldier to the ordinary citizen, evoked the material destruction, the desolate landscapes and the earth upheaved by artillery shells during the First World War. Photographed, drawn, filmed, exhibited in Paris, London or Geneva, the representations of ruins were shown in newspapers, they have been distributed as postcards and have also been reproduced in various works. These iconographic representations were used from the very beginning of the conflict to support the arguments used to mobilize populations and convince neutral countries of the validity of the war. They then became a way of making the conflict visible, but especially to testify the new violence caused by artillery. The Literary descriptions presented them as living, wounded bodies, as anthropomorphic transpositions of the soldiers whose bodies were rarely displayed. Targets of armed violence, symbolic bodies and fragile, ruins have embodied first of all the body of the warrior and subsequently the sacred body of the Nation. Once peace had been restored, the ruins were mobilized one last time to reinforce the demands for war reparations. They were also honoured through decorative ceremonies and valued through organized tourist tours. Since then the debate around ruins has been minimized to a question of their conservation as remnants of war.

Drawing on a diverse collection of both published and unpublished First World War diaries and letters, this thesis investigates the role of composition in war, examining the ways in which the act of writing itself - imposing narrative order on chaotic experience - functions in creating, securing, and repairing one's multiple identities in war. Indeed, through narration, the individual can connect to, challenge, or reconfigure, the war's prescribed social scripts - of soldier, nurse, spouse, parent, and/or patriotic citizen. This process or writing, and thereby re-asserting, one's identity was a fundamental component of men and women's emotional survival. In the midst of the First World War's chaos, life-writing held heightened significance on both home and battlefront. The diary and letter were appropriate generic vehicles through which men and women could express and negotiate the new facets and fragments of self; they were also sites where different social scripts could be tried and rehearsed, and venues for the navigation of war's trauma, suffering, and grief. Through the act of writing, the individual imposes some level of control over this otherwise chaotic experience. The 'I' on the page - whatever the length or descriptive quality of the words that surround it - is an assertion of the individual in a culture of sweeping propagandist claims, mass movement, and mass death. By putting pen to paper, the newly enlisted man could attempt to navigate the seemingly rapid transition from ordinary civilian to heroic soldier; the home front mother could confess fears and frustrations on the diary page, in turn mitigating grief and navigating the sense of self - as mother, as wife, as patriotic citizen - in the face of loss; from his trench, the frontline combatant could find distraction and escape through writing a letter home. The civilian man, in turn, could seek refuge in the diary's pages - his search to secure and validate alternate forms of ‘manliness' often being particularly fraught.

En 1914-1918, les faits apportèrent un démenti cinglant aux prévisions. Au lieu d’une guerre courte, décidée par les seules forces terrestres en une ou deux batailles, les belligérants s’enlisèrent dans une lutte longue et coûteuse que les Alliés finirent par remporter en étranglant l’économie de l’Allemagne et en usant ses forces au moyen d’une succession de batailles partielles. Le cours inattendu que prirent les événements amène à s’interroger sur les représentations de la guerre de cette époque, sur la manière dont elles influencèrent les opérations et réciproquement, ainsi que sur le rôle du haut commandement dans ces relations. Une telle approche des opérations est d’autant plus justifiée que le sujet est méconnu, que la guerre est un domaine où le décalage entre réalité et représentations est très marqué, et que ceci est particulièrement vrai de la Grande Guerre. La question se pose donc de savoir si la difficile évolution des représentations, dans un sens conforme à une conduite des opérations efficace, s’est faite malgré le haut commandement, sous la pression des événements, ou s’il n’y a pas finalement concouru. L’impression prévaut qu’il a longtemps été à leur remorque et qu’il a fallu des échecs retentissants et l’action du pouvoir politique pour qu’il soit renouvelé, avec ses représentations. Cette impression est cependant trompeuse car elle repose sur une confusion entre le haut commandement et le GQG qui n’en était qu’une composante. Mis fréquemment à l’écart par ce dernier, les généraux appartenant au haut commandement contribuèrent à l’évolution de la situation à travers l’action de certains d’entre eux, même s’ils utilisèrent souvent des voies détournées / During WW1, the events bring a severe denial to the previsions. Instead of the short war won by the sole Land forces in one or two battles, the opponents bogged down in a long and costly struggle, which the Allies won eventually in choking the German economy and by the mean of successive battles of attrition.This unexpected course of events raises questions about the representations of war prevailing at this time, about the way they influenced the operations and conversely about the role of the French High Command in those relations. Studying military operations under this point of view is all the more relevant that this topic remains little known and that war is an activity where the discrepancy between reality and representations is most important. This discrepancy increased dramatically within WW1. The question is therefore to know whether the difficult evolution of war representations, in a sense compliant with the efficient conduct of operations occurred despite the High Command, under the pressure of events, or if he did not eventually concur in this evolution. The main impression is that the High Command was constantly trailing behind and that only resounding failures and the resulting decisions of the political authority caused the replacements in the staff required to change the representations. In fact, those impressions are misleading as far as they are based on a confusion between French High Command and French General HQ (GQG), which was only a component of High Command. Often put aside by the GQG, the generals belonging to the high command contributed in the evolution of this situation, through some of them, even if they did it in bypassing hierarchy

No description available.

This thesis explores representations of the First World War in English theatre, Theatre in Education (TIE), and Living History between 2014 and 2015. By employing an interdisciplinary approach it evaluates these performance genres in relation to responses sought from Key Stage 3 History pupils. The beginning of the centenary created a cultural outpouring and provided opportunities for secondary schools to include field trips and creative learning about the war. Examination of this commemorative period is contextualised by examining pupils’ interaction with cultural works since 1914, showing that the centenary moment stemmed from a tradition of creatively remembering and teaching the conflict. This perspective highlights long-standing complexities in the relationship between creative practitioners, teachers and education authorities. It also confronts the divide that has grown between some creative practitioners and revisionist historians of the First World War. Revisionist historians’ reassessment of the conduct and necessity of the war has led some to harshly judge cultural works, such as performances, for misleading audiences. Yet little research has been conducted into twenty-first century productions about the war and their reception by school audiences. An investigation of these performances problematizes scholarly notions about how and who has the authority to communicate the First World War to the next generation. Whilst the providers, gatekeepers, and critics of learning through performance are of central consideration, this thesis also values the pupil’s voice. Ten Key Stage 3 cohorts are used as case studies, providing a snapshot of the creative activities and field trips employed by schools in 2014 and 2015. Interviews and questionnaires provide pupils’ feedback on what they thought and how they felt about studying history through performance. Observations of History lessons and performances also remove the debate from the hypothetical to the realities of history teaching. They reveal that pupils’ cultural backgrounds, schooling, and exposure to cultural works shaped their responses to performances about the First World War. Pupils also assigned the performances varying degrees of historical authority, some viewed them as merely entertainment, others as educational sources and several as a mixture of the two. Performances brought immediacy and life to the historical topic and provoked an empathetic response from many pupils. Yet some struggled with the symbolism of theatre and others feared the participation that came with TIE and Living History. Consequently, this thesis explores pupil’s critical, personal and emotional engagement with performances, raising questions about what criteria should be used to evaluate the success of such non-formal learning on the war.

During the Great War, the horse was essential to military efficiency. Horses hauled artillery guns, transported vital supplies and ammunition, and carried men into battle. The military horse was, in fact, a weapon. Many thousands of horses were purchased and supplied to the British Expeditionary Force at great expense, because without them an Army could not function. Although the British Army was the most modern of all the belligerent forces during the Great War, the horse was nevertheless favoured because of its reliability and versatility. For example, horses coped much better than motor vehicles where the going was difficult. It was horse-power that ensured the Army’s lines-of-communication were maintained. Indeed, without an adequate supply of horses it is probable that the British Army would not have achieved victory in 1918. However, the military horse was also a weapon which quickly broke down when it was not properly maintained. The British Army had learned this to its cost during the Boer War, when more horses had been killed by bad management than by enemy action. Good horse management in the field depended upon the soldier. It was essential that he had received adequate training, and it was also essential that he take responsibility for his horse’s well-being. During the Great War, all soldiers given ‘ownership’ of a horse were taught to put their horse’s needs before their own, and to always think first of their horse. They were taught to see their horse in the same way as an infantryman would his rifle; as something he may have cause to rely upon and which it was therefore in his best interests to look after. The soldier-horse relationship developed once the soldier’s care became one of sympathetic consideration. Soldiers and their horses spent most of their lives together when on active service, and it was this close proximity which helped to bond them into a unit. Many soldiers came to see their horses as comrades; they named them, and went to great lengths to protect their horses from harm. From the Army’s perspective, the soldier-horse relationship ensured that an expensive military asset was properly maintained. At home, portrayals of the soldier-horse relationship extended this vital contribution to the war effort beyond the battlefield. For example, images and stories that told of the soldier’s kindness to his horse bolstered a positive illusion the British had of themselves as a people capable of both strength and compassion. Images of the soldier-horse relationship played an important part in helping the British people to imagine war. They also provided much-needed comfort and reassurance when friends and loved ones were in danger. Importantly, by studying these portrayals dispassionately, we find that they were never entire flights of fancy, and often bore more than a passing resemblance to the soldier’s actual experience. Indeed, it becomes possible to question whether sense and sentimentality ever did entirely part company in the British imagination. Like their flesh and blood inspiration, portrayals of the soldier-horse relationship have not received the attention they merit. By rectifying this oversight, this thesis not only contributes to study of the horse-human relationship, but also to our knowledge of the Great War. Not least, because we achieve a better appreciation of what it was like to live in the War’s shadow.

L’occupation de l’Égypte en 1882 marque le début d’une longue période pendant laquelle l’Angleterre vas enter en permanence de conserver sa présence militaire et de justifier, par la même occasion, sa politique devant l’Europe et l’Égypte. L’Angleterre n’a pas cessé d’insister sur le caractère temporaire de cette occupation; en effet, il était impossible de se retirer de l’Égypte tant que le canal de Suez représentait la voie maritime la plus courte vers les colonies indiennes. Au cours de cette entreprise colonial, le rôle de la presse a été significatif, contribuant à la diffusion accélérée des nouvelles provenant de l’empire britannique. Ainsi notre étude se penche sur le rôle que la presse a pu jouer en vue de soutenirL’empire et de conforter occupation. Cette recherche est centrée sur le quotidien britannique The Times, journal connu pour son vaste réseau de correspondants dans le monde et notamment en Égypte. Par l’étude des articles publiés pendant la période de l’occupation, à partir du bombardement d’Alexandrie jusqu’à la crise du canal de Suez, nous identifierons et analyserons les différentes stratégies du Times pour justifier et consolider la présence de l’Angleterre en Égypte. Nous examinerons l’évolution du Times vis-à-vis des politiques suivies en Égypte par le gouvernement britannique. Notre objectif est, d’une part, de montrer l’influence du Times sur les décisions politiques prises par le gouvernement et d’autre part, de montrer que la ligne éditoriale du journal a pu aussi être soumise à l’impact des événements qui ont jalonné les relations entre la Grande Bretagne et l’ Égypte. / This research is about The Times newspaper’s coverage of the situation in Egypt during the British occupation, that is from1882 to 1956. The historical context extends from a period when the Empire was at its apogee to its nadir. It is an attempt to suggest a new reading of the events that shaped the British policy in Egypt through the press, more precisely The Times. The objective is to determine the reactions of The Times to the evolution of the “Egyptian Question” and eventually the British policy. It will focus the imperial westward expansion in parallel with the evolution of journalism. The aim is also to approach the press from another angle, that of a press that may have an impact on, and be impacted by, political events. In other words, this study is an attempt to provide some key elements to answer the following questions: What was the role of The Times during the British occupation of Egypt? Can we consider an imperial commitment on the part of The Times? How did the editorial policy of The Times influence political decisions? What was the importance given to the “Thunderer” by policy makers? Finally, can we consider The Times as a means of conquest, a means of criticism or just a purveyor of news? We hope that this research will shed some light on the role of The Times in the construction and the maintaining of the British empire in Egypt.