In recent years, the way Albanians consume news has changed radically. They have abandoned traditional media, and instead, a large majority now rely on television, social media, and online media as their primary source of information. The journalists I have interviewed say that the change has led to a deterioration in journalistic quality. According to them, consumers are no longer interested in the underlying causes; instead, most want journalism to be mixed with entertainment.   In 2022, wealthy businessmen continued to buy media outlets, which, i.a. Reporters Without Borders consider worrisome. Today, freedom of the press suffers from the fact that the owners of the media outlets can, to a large extent, control the reporting, which benefits their other businesses on the side. The country is also corrupt, enabling close ties between media owners, politicians, and organized crime. In Albania, during the spring, the population expressed dissatisfaction with the low wages and high petrol prices, which in May 2022 was one of the highest in the world.   The results I have reached show that freedom of the press in Albania is not doing well, and several of the journalists I interviewed admit that they have at some point censored their reporting out of fear of consequences.

In 2019 the European Union presented a new directive, Directive (EU) 2019/1937 of the European Parliament and the council of 23 October 2019 on the protection of persons who report breaches of Union law. An EU-directive needs to be implemented into the national law of every member state, which for Sweden resulted in a new law regarding whistle-blowing: Law (2021:819) about protection for persons reporting misconduct, or in Swedish, Lag (2021:819) om skydd för personer som rapporterar om missförhållanden. The directive is a minimum directive, which means that all of its content needs to be implemented into national law, but there is no stopping member states from giving further protection than the directive. This paper aims to analyse the new Swedish law, how it differs from the directive and earlier Swedish law regarding whistleblowing, how it interacts with other Swedish regulations and most importantly if and how the new law strengthens the protection of whistleblowers. Our focus will be on the perspective of the employee and what the new law can mean for them, along with discussing differences in protection between the public and private sector.  In order to fulfil our purpose we will in our legal investigation first present some background information surrounding whistleblowing to create an understanding of the concept and its importance. Then we will follow the legal hierarchy and firstly present information surrounding international and EU-law, then present relevant Swedish regulations that are of importance to whistleblowing. Furthermore there will be a presentation of both the old Swedish law regarding whistleblowing and the new Swedish law and how it is based off of the directive. During the legal investigation some case law, both from the European Court of Human Rights and the Swedish court, will be presented to explain some background to the origin of the EU-directive and to analyse if and how the new Swedish law could be of help in the Swedish case. Finally there will be an analysis based on our legal investigation where we answer and discuss our research question.

This study investigates the interaction between freedom and limitation as applied to political expression and hate speech. The need for the limitation of hate speech, with its inherent risk of escalation into other serious crimes such as genocide, is established. The view of the South African courts is identified as pro-limitation but generally respectful of the right to freedom of expression. A lacuna in current constitutional law, common law and legislative remedies is evident and the various ways in which limitation can be effected are explored; the researcher finds for criminalisation as an effective measure to address this lacuna in hate speech regulation. The importance of complying with the international call for the criminalisation of hate speech is analysed. Insight is gained regarding what would be an effective model for criminalisation. Here lessons are taken from foreign comparatives that have successfully criminalised hate speech in the context of their cultural identity, history and social needs. Ultimately, a framework for effective hate speech criminalisation in South Africa is formulated. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.M

This study investigates the interaction between freedom and limitation as applied to political expression and hate speech. The need for the limitation of hate speech, with its inherent risk of escalation into other serious crimes such as genocide, is established. The view of the South African courts is identified as pro-limitation but generally respectful of the right to freedom of expression. A lacuna in current constitutional law, common law and legislative remedies is evident and the various ways in which limitation can be effected are explored; the researcher finds for criminalisation as an effective measure to address this lacuna in hate speech regulation. The importance of complying with the international call for the criminalisation of hate speech is analysed. Insight is gained regarding what would be an effective model for criminalisation. Here lessons are taken from foreign comparatives that have successfully criminalised hate speech in the context of their cultural identity, history and social needs. Ultimately, a framework for effective hate speech criminalisation in South Africa is formulated. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.M

The right of freedom of expression is often mentioned as one of the most significant human rights. Despite its importance and necessity for functioning and development of any democratic society, this right is not without limits. The aim of this theses is to find the limits of the right of freedom of expression within the system of the ECHR which represents one of the most important documents in the human rights field at the international level. The important position of freedom of expression will be proved by an analysis of the theoretical context of freedom of expression in the system of the ECHR as well as by examination of the work of the European Court of Human Rights and its case law connected to the right of freedom of expression.

It is undeniable that internet nowadays is part of our life and community. Internet opens door for expression of ideas and opinions which can both be given and taken freely. Moreover, with the rise of the new internet model, Web 2.0, the platform becomes wider and more interactive which has an effect on the copyright aspect all over the world. User-generated content was soon born as a result of Web 2.0 and caused unsolvable legal issues in the copyright regime due to its transformative nature which acts in contrary to the exclusive right of the author.          This thesis paper seeks the best solutions for the complicated nature of user-generated content in online platform which has been causing legal tension in copyright law for quite some time. The paper will focus mainly in the scope of EU copyright law as well as Thai copyright law. The Canadian new specific exception for user-generated content and its semi-open “fair dealing” exception will be discussed as a possible approach to the solution. Moreover, Human rights aspect in scope of freedom of expression will be analyzed in order to find the balance between the copyright and human rights in the most effective way to serve the core purpose of copyright law.

This thesis seeks to determine whether or not the inclusion of an explicit parody exception would be beneficial for EU trade mark law. The thesis presents all the variables that need to be taken into account in the decision, putting a special emphasis in the importance of considering the negative effects that a hypothetical inclusion can have on the consumers of the parodied reputed trade marks as this variable has been widely disregarded among scholars. Moreover, in this thesis it is considered that an explicit inclusion of the parody exception in EU trade mark law might be recommended for cases of non-commercial expression and mixed expression but not for cases of merely commercial expression.

Esta tese investiga e procura responder a duas hipóteses de pesquisa: a) Os profissionais do jornalismo estão migrando das mídias tradicionais (impresso, rádio e TV) para novas mídias, principalmente para os blogs. b) Os jornalistas adotaram e estão migrando para os blogs em busca de maior autonomia, independência, liberdade de expressão e realização profissional. O referencial teórico que orientou este estudo conceitua o trabalho e a comunicação como atividade humana, ergológica (Schwartz), constitutiva da ontologia do ser social (Marx). O trabalho jornalístico é abordado a partir desse referencial teórico, para destacar como os processos produtivos nessa área profissional foram transformados pelas tecnologias, técnicas e organização diferenciadas das rotinas produtivas. Toma-se o conceito clássico de jornalismo e de sua deontologia e analisa-se seu desenvolvimento ao longo do século XX e início de XXI à luz das mudanças ocorridas a partir da globalização, do mundo do trabalho do jornalista e da organização das empresas de comunicação na contemporaneidade. Os valores humanistas que fundam o campo jornalístico são questionados em relação aos valores da sociedade de consumo, da informação e do espetáculo. Do ponto de vista metodológico, os procedimentos são: levantamento bibliográfico pertinente aos conceitos envolvidos e, também, o estudo empírico de casos e a observação de jornalistas experientes que migraram para os blogs como nova opção profissional. Como resultado, foi constatado que os jornalistas migraram para os blogs em busca de autonomia, entre outros motivos, mas encontraram obstáculos que os impede de exercer a plena liberdade de expressão no novo meio, como o cerceamento financeiro e o judicial. Além disso, estão em busca de novos arranjos econômicos que possibilite o pleno exercício da profissão nos blogs. / This thesis investigates and seeks to answer two research hypotheses: a) The journalism professionals are migrating from traditional media (print, radio and TV) to new media, especially for blogs. b) Journalists have adopted and are migrating to blogs in search of greater autonomy, independence, freedom of expression and professional achievement. The theoretical framework that guided this study conceptualizes the work and communication as a human activity, ergologic (Schwartz), a constituent of the ontology of social being (Marx). The journalistic work is approached from this theoretical framework, to highlight how the production processes in this professional area were transformed by technology, techniques and differentiated organization of productive routines. One takes the classical concept of journalism and its ethics and analyzes its development throughout the twentieth century and early twenty-first in the light of the changes brought about by the globalization, the journalist\'s job in the world and the organization of communication companies in the contemporaneity. The humanist values that founded the journalistic field are questioned in relation to the values of the consumer society, information and spectacle. From a methodological point of view, the procedures are: relevant literature to concepts involved and also the empirical case studies and observation of experienced journalists who migrated to blogs as a new career option. As a result, it was found that journalists migrated to the blogs in search of independence, among other reasons, but found obstacles that prevent them from exercising full freedom of expression in the new medium, as the financial restriction and the judicial. They are also looking for new economic arrangements that will allow the full exercise of the profession in blogs.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-18T11:34:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dilson Cavalcanti Batista Neto.pdf: 1447222 bytes, checksum: e2d863b78c787d340cd0024eee30c13b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-18T11:34:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dilson Cavalcanti Batista Neto.pdf: 1447222 bytes, checksum: e2d863b78c787d340cd0024eee30c13b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-15 / The present thesis has as problematic point the challenge of proposing limits to the religious discourse in the political environment before a plural society and the democratic ideal of neutrality in relation to religious organizations. Thus, the central hypothesis is that the boundaries between law, politics and religion are better delineated when one takes into account that the protection of freedom of expression must attend to the basic moral foundations built historically, especially through central ideas of John's work Rawls, especially after the release of Political Liberalism. In this sense, the primary objective of the thesis is a proposal of ethical and political foundations that involve a protection of the freedom of religious expression in the sphere of the political discussion inserted in a democratic State. Through the deductive method, two more basic foundations are proposed in order to deal with specific cases of religious discourses given by public agents, as well as with the possible interference of law in the expression of religious and their organizations. It is proposed that freedom of religious expression in the political environment should be based on two basic foundations: the first was called the basis of the isegoria which, through the Rawlsian idea of overlapping consensus, points to the possibility of a democracy with equal status among citizens , whether religious or not. The second ground is that of the parresia that has in the proposal of public reason of Rawls, mainly in its last formulation, a suitable framework so that the religious does not have to live in divided form: hour through an internal posture of its doctrine, hour in the field politician dissociating himself from his religious language. This theoretical course is finalized with proposals of limits to religious discourse by public agents and also with the need to reinforce that law and politics should not limit, without seriously justifiable reasons, the expression of religious groups / A presente Tese tem como problemática o desafio de propor limites ao discurso de cunho religioso no ambiente político diante de uma sociedade plural e do ideal democrático de neutralidade estatal em relação às organizações religiosas. Desta forma, a hipótese central é que as fronteiras entre direito, política e religião são melhores delineadas quando se leva em consideração que a tutela da liberdade de expressão deve atentar para fundamentos morais básicos construídos historicamente, em especial através de ideias centrais da obra de John Rawls, principalmente após o lançamento de O Liberalismo Político. Nesse sentido, o objetivo primário da Tese é a proposição de fundamentos éticos e políticos que envolvam a tutela da liberdade de expressão religiosa na esfera da discussão política inserida em um Estado democrático. Através do método dedutivo, propõem-se dois fundamentos básicos mais gerais para que se possa lidar com casos específicos de discursos religiosos proferidos por agentes públicos, bem como com as possíveis interferências do direito na expressão dos religiosos e das suas organizações. Propõe-se que a liberdade de expressão religiosa no ambiente político observe dois fundamentos básicos: o primeiro foi denominado como o fundamento da isegoria que, através da ideia rawlsiana de consenso sobreposto, aponta para a possibilidade de uma democracia com igualdade de status entre os cidadãos, quer sejam religiosos ou não. O segundo fundamento é o da parresía que tem na proposta de razão pública de Rawls, principalmente em sua última formulação, um arcabouço adequado para que o religioso não precise viver de forma dividida: hora através de uma postura interna da sua doutrina, hora no campo político desvinculando-se do seu linguajar religioso. Tal percurso teórico é finalizado com propostas de limites ao discurso religioso por agentes públicos e também com a necessidade de se reforçar que o direito e a política não devem limitar, sem motivos gravemente justificáveis, a expressão de grupos religiosos

La manifestation est un sujet d’actualité et un phénomène en voie de devenir mondial. En ce domaine la Thaïlande fait figure de pays pionnier. En effet les manifestations de rue y sont fréquentes et souvent violentes. La présente étude a d’abord pour objet de s’interroger sur les raisons du recours massif à cette liberté par le peuple et sa perception par le Droit. Dans ce pays la manifestation répond à une tradition constante d’expression des idées et des opinions, grâce à une contestation politique en groupe et sur la voie publique. Elle est consacrée en tant que liberté constitutionnelle dans les vingt Constitutions, que ce soit de manière explicite ou implicite mais sans être pour autant distinguée de la liberté de réunion. Il est dès lors utile d’analyser cette conception de la liberté de manifestation. Cependant il importe également de comprendre pourquoi le nombre de manifestations augmente considérablement en Thaïlande. Selon l’auteur, le principal élément de réponse est à rechercher dans le système institutionnel et politique thaïlandais. Celui-ci permet rarement un débat pluraliste au sein du Parlement. L’instabilité constitutionnelle, les successions de putschs militaires, accentuent la crise de la démocratie représentative. La solution à ce danger doit-elle être trouvée non plus dans le droit mais dans un devoir de manifester ? Sans doute, car la Thaïlande donne l’exemple de l’urgence d’instituer des mécanismes associant davantage le citoyen à la décision publique, conduisant à l’instauration d’une démocratie participative et continue. Lorsque le bon fonctionnement de ces mécanismes est mis à mal, le recours à la liberté de manifestation devient une nécessité / The manifestation is an important issue as it has become a world phenomenon. Concerning this subject, Thailand is considered a pioneer country. The street manifestations occur frequently and often in a violent manner. This study aimed to raise question as to why people exercise this freedom and what are the perceptions of law toward these situations. In this country manifestation responds to a constant tradition of expression of ideas and opinions, as a result of a political group contestation on the street. Principally manifestation is recognized as a constitutional freedom in twenty Constitutions, whether explicitly or implicitly without being distinguished from freedom of assembly. It is therefore necessary to analyze such conception of freedom of manifestation. In addition to the above, it is important to understand the reasons as to why the number of manifestations has been increasing considerably in Thailand. According to the author, the principal element of the reason derives from conducting a research in the institutional and political system. The system hardly allows a pluralistic debate in Parliament. The constitutional instability, the successions of military putsches, have emphasized the crisis of representative democracy. Is it possible that the solution of this danger should no longer be founded in a right but in a duty to manifest? Since Thailand is an example underlining the urgency of introducing the mechanisms which involve citizens in making public decision, these mechanisms lead to the establishment of participatory and continuous democracy. When these mechanisms fail to function accordingly, an exercise of freedom of manifestation becomes a necessity