This Thesis explores artistic activism or artivism in the context of youth in post- revolution Tunisia. During and after the Arab Uprisings, the MENA region has experienced a tendency, wherein resistance is undertaken by artivists through in situ art interventions, music, and performances that create ‘new cultural spaces’, in which cultural hybridism through the mix of urban youth subculture, communication and traditional culture, creates new contexts of authenticity. It further investigates how art and activism is used in Tunis as a tool to mirror, provoke or communicate messages that directly or indirectly deal with post-revolution themes, and which mechanisms exist in limitations of artistic freedom of expression.It utilizes concepts of cultural resistance through theorists Stephen Duncombe and discusses the concept artivism as a hybrid term, through Aldo Milohnic. It then delineates subculture, authenticity and hybridization through various theorists and examines Artistic Freedom of Expression through the standpoint of international conventions and reports. The Thesis also analyzes artistic activism, commodification and globalization through a re-contextualization of Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin.Guiding this analysis are interrelated points of redefining Arab youth subcultures, through interviews conducted with five young Tunisian artists who combine artistic expression with political commentary and activism. I argue that a new dynamic discourse is shaped in the MENA region through the re-mixing of a cultural narrative which becomes re-contextualized locally, and therefore becomes authentic in a ‘glocal’ context. The Thesis offers analytical contribution to the field of cultural production in a Tunisian political context and adds to the research field of artistic activism.

La investigación en cuestión trata acerca de las restricciones en el uso de las redes sociales en instituciones gubernamentales. En la introducción se menciona que las redes sociales se están consolidando como los canales oficiales para la interacción entre los funcionarios públicos y la población, y que cada vez es más frecuente que las personas consulten directamente con las redes de los distintos canales gubernamentales para adquirir información de primera mano. El objetivo del presente documento es establecer pautas claras sobre cómo se deben manejar las redes sociales en el ámbito gubernamental, teniendo en cuenta que las opiniones vertidas en ellas también consisten en un ejercicio de la libertad de expresión. Se destaca la importancia de tratar adecuadamente el tema en el sistema judicial. En cuanto a las restricciones, se menciona que es necesario tener cuidado con la información confidencial y protegerl adecuadamente. También se debe evitar hacer comentarios ofensivos o discriminatorios, así como publicar información falsa o engañosa. Además, se recomienda no utilizar las redes sociales para fines personales o partidistas. En conclusión, este trabajo ofrece una guía útil para el manejo adecuado de las redes sociales en instituciones gubernamentales, destacando la importancia de proteger la información confidencial y evitar comentarios ofensivos o engañosos. / The current investigation it’s about the restrictions in the use of the government entities’ social networks. In the introduction it is mentioned that the social networks are consolidating as the official channels for the interaction between the public workers and the population, and that i t is becoming more common that the people ask directly with the networks of the different government channels to acquire first hand information. The objective of this document is to establish clear guidelines on how social media should be managed in the governmental sphere, taking into account that the opinions expressed in them also constitute an exercise of freedom of expression. The importance of properly addressing the issue within the judicial system is emphasized. Regarding restrictions, it is mentioned that it is necessary to be careful with confidential information and protect it adequately. Offensive or discriminatory comments should also be avoided, as well as the dissemination of false or misleading information. Furthermore, it is recommended not to use social media for personal or partisan purposes. In conclusion, this work provides a useful guide for the proper management of social media in governmental institutions, highlighting the importance of protecting confidential information and avoiding offensive or misleading comments.

La réflexion autour des droits fondamentaux des personnes morales n’est guère si nouvelle comme pourrions nous être tentés d’y croire ; elle interpelle toutefois par son caractère antithétique. La personne humaine apparaissant comme l'unique destinataire de ces droits, elle avait capté toutes les attentions doctrinales. L'intimité du lien entre l'Homme et le concept des droits de l'homme, d’où découlent les droits fondamentaux, justifiait aisément l'exclusion des personnes morales. L'idée d'inclusion des groupes et des organisations qui semblait impensable va in fine être admise, voire se rendre indispensable à la démocratie, chère au système européen de défense des droits de l’homme et cadre de notre étude. La personne morale joue indiscutablement sa partition à la réalisation de la société démocratique à travers notamment la presse ou le jeu des partis politiques. Elle contribue énormément à l’économie des États par l’action des sociétés commerciales ou autres entreprises, et même à l’épanouissement des individus par le biais des associations dont les missions sont diverses et variées. On ne saurait valablement refuser à un tel sujet de droit la protection de la Convention. D’ailleurs c'est avec la force de l'évidence que ces personnes morales ont pu bénéficier de diverses dispositions de cette dernière. Le groupement à but politique ou syndical ne pourrait paisiblement accomplir sa mission sans la couverture de l’article 11 de la convention consacrant la liberté d’association et de manifestation pacifique. Aussi l’entreprise dépourvue de l’exercice et de la jouissance du droit au respect des biens, tel que défini à l’article premier du Protocole additionnel n° 1, ne pourrait-elle prospérer dans un domaine où intervient régulièrement la puissance publique. La sauvegarde de ces droits, avec bien d’autres, est conséquemment vitale pour les personnes morales. Le décryptage des droits et libertés qui leur sont garantis par le texte européen appelle à observer méthodiquement les différents mouvements de la jurisprudence européenne. Pour ce faire, notre réflexion préfère à une approche dogmatique, s’appuyant sur le particularisme des personnes morales pour dégager leurs droits et libertés garantis, une méthode plutôt pragmatique. Cette approche se fonde uniquement sur la protection effective que le juge européen consent à l’organisation non gouvernementale aux prises à l’arbitraire des pouvoirs publics. Il convient d’analyser chacun de ces droits et libertés garantis, et d’en dégager un relief d’avec la nature et l’activité de la personne morale. L’interprétation prétorienne du texte et des notions, telles que la personne ou le domicile, se présente délibérément extensive, dans le but assumé de permettre aux groupements de prendre part aux bénéfices de la Convention. L’accès à la juridiction européenne est par ailleurs largement ouvert aux groupements : tout pour faire en effet de la personne morale un sujet à part entière apte à exercer et à jouir de droits fondamentaux dans la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme. / The reflection about the fundamental rights of entities is not so new as we might be tempted to believe. However, the reflection raises the question by its antithetical. Natural persons appear to be the only beneficiaries of such rights. They were the centre of all doctrinal attention. The intimacy of the relationship between man and the concept of human rights, from which flows the fundamental rights, easily justified the exclusion of entities. The idea of including groups and organizations, which seemed unthinkable will be accepted in fine, indeed will become indispensable to an effective democracy, dear to the European system of human rights and our study. Entities undoubtedly play a vital role in the achievement of a democratic society, particularly through the press or the actions of political parties. They contribute enormously to a country's economy by the actions of commercial enterprises or other businesses, and even to the development and fufillment of individuals through associations whose missions are many and vary. We can not reasonably refuse such a subject of law the protection of the Convention. Beside, it is with the strength of the evidence that these entities have benefited from various provisions of the Convention. Groups for political purposes or unions cannot accomplish peacefully their mission without the protection of Article 11 of the convention enshrining the freedom of association and peaceful protest. Also, entities deprived of exercising the right to peaceful enjoyment of property, as defined in Article I of Additional Protocol No. 1, cannot thrive in an area where the public authority intervains regularly. Safeguarding these rights, with others, is therefore vital for corporations. Decryption of rights and freedoms guaranteed to them by the european legislation calls to observe systematically the different movements of European jurisprudence. To do this, our thinking prefers a dogmatic approach, based on the particularity of legal entities to the end of assertaining their rights and freedoms, to a more pragmatic approach. This approach is based solely on the effective protection that the european Court agrees to non-governmental organizations facing arbitrary actions of public authorities. It is necessary to analyse each of these rights and freedoms guaranteed, and to establish a link with the nature and activities of the entity. The Praetorian interpretation of the text and concepts such as individual or domicile is deliberately done in a broad sense in order to allow the groups to participate in the benefits of the Convention. Access to the European court is also provided for all groups: indeed, to the end of making the entities a full-fledged subject of human rights in the European Convention on Human Rights.

The purpose of my thesis is to analyse private law limitations of freedom of expression in media with respect to case-law. The study focuses on the limitations of freedom of expression in relation to natural persons. Since the aim of the study is to compare the Czech and German legal regulation, particular emphasis is put on the comparative method. I tried to evaluate legal regulations in both countries, to what extent they overlap, what they have in common and what they differ in, or alternatively to what degree they can inspire each other. Besides introduction and conclusion, the study consists of four chapters. The first chapter is subdivided into two parts. Part one describes media, their basic definition and characteristics, as well as their role and function in the jurisprudence. Part two deals with the definition, constitutional protection and classification of the "communication" fundamental rights and freedoms - freedom of expression, right to information and freedom of the press (media). Chapter two focuses on the protection of personal rights in the media context. Part one examines their importance and constitutional protection, part two describes specific individual personal rights, and part three illustrates the postmortal protection of personal rights. Chapter three presents the...

This case study examines the role of music and music-making for the youth in Brikama, the Gambia in terms of freedom of expression, sustainable development and social change. The study is situated within a project where young musicians with different backgrounds wrote and recorded their own songs during workshops with established musicians. The data was collected via interviews with the participants and instructors, observations and song analysis. The study uses Small’s (1998) theory of musicking to analyze the meaning of the musical events in the social context. Furthermore, it uses theories on the relationship between music and sustainability to analyze the role of music for the youth on an individual-, group- and societal level, but also on an organizational level. The study finds that on all four levels music and music-making holds many of the characteristics required for sustainable development and that it can foster resilience through creativity. However, it also shows that this requires the creation of inclusive spaces with an awareness of the cultural narrative and forces (such as limiting traditional values and gender issues) that might limit the capabilities of individuals, and the society, to reap these benefits. The study also shows how music, with its artistic characteristics, can offer pockets of freedom of expression to a certain but limited extent. Finally, the study shows how music can and should be incorporated more extensively by organizations working for sustainable development and social change, both as a tool to achieve other sustainability agendas, but also for the inherent characteristics of resilience and creativity that is found in music-making itself. / Denna fallstudie undersöker musik och musikskapandets roll för ungdomar i Brikama, Gambia, och dess relation till yttrandefrihet, hållbar utveckling och social förändring. Studien är genomförd inom ramen för ett projekt där unga musiker med olika bakgrund komponerade och spelade in sina egna låtar under workshops tillsammans med etablerade musiker. Materialet samlades in genom intervjuer med deltagarna och instruktörer, observationer och textanalys av låtarna. Studien använder sig av Smalls (1998) koncept musicking för att analysera den musikaliska situationens mening i sin sociala kontext. Dessutom används teorier om relationen mellan musik och hållbarhet för att analysera musikens roll för ungdomarna på en individuell-, grupp- och samhällsnivå, men även på en organisationsnivå. Studien visar på alla fyra nivåer att musik och musikskapande innehar många av de karaktärsdrag som krävs för hållbar utveckling och att det kan främja resiliens genom kreativitet. Dock visar studien att inkluderande sammanhang behöver skapas med medvetenhet om den kulturella kontexten. Detta för att kunna navigera de krafter (såsom negativa traditionella värderingar kring genus) som kan begränsa individers deltagande och i slutändan samhällets möjlighet att ta del av fördelarna. Studien visar också hur musik, med sina konstärliga karaktärsdrag, kan erbjuda ett visst utrymme för yttrandefrihet. Slutligen visar studien hur musik kan och bör inkorporeras till större grad av organisationer som arbetar för hållbar utveckling och social förändring, både som ett verktyg för att uppnå hållbarhetsagendor, men även för de inneboende karaktärsdragen resiliens och kreativitet som finns att hitta i själva musikskapandet.

A presente dissertação aborda os diferentes aspectos que impulsionam a demanda pelo reconhecimento do direito humano à comunicação como um direito fundamental, assim como as características teóricas que compõe o escopo deste novo direito. A partir do relato histórico sobre a evolução dos meios de comunicação, aponta o papel da comunicação mediada por tecnologias no desenvolvimento e reprodução do capitalismo, e descreve as peculiaridades atuais do modelo brasileiro, constatando a insuficiência do direito à liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação para a garantia da dignidade humana no campo da comunicação na medida em que os mesmos não impediram a privatização da esfera pública. Evidencia, a partir de pesquisa documental relacionada às iniciativas gestadas no âmbito do governo federal, como os proprietários dos meios de comunicação brasileiros se apropriaram destes princípios jurídicos, utilizado-os, no plano político e jurídico, como instrumento para obstrução de políticas públicas e regulatórias, na busca da perpetuação de privilégios no campo da comunicação. Apresenta o direito à comunicação como um direito guarda-chuva, abrigo de uma série de outros direitos e liberdades, na busca da superação da limitação historicamente imposta à compreensão da liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação, avançando rumo ao direito à participação na esfera pública em condições de igualdade material. No DHC se encontram direitos e liberdades que possuem relação com o campo da comunicação, mas que historicamente foram considerados de forma estanque e sem conexão. Defende a tese que o reconhecimento oficial do direito à comunicação no plano jurídico é a melhor forma garantir a dignidade humana neste campo, dando unidade e coerência aos princípios que possuem algum tipo de interface com o tema, assim como melhor definindo o perfil da pretensão a qual se almeja que os cidadãos e grupos sociais devem exercer. / This dissertation deals with different aspects that imposes the demand for recognition of Communication Rigths as a fundamental right, and presents the characteristics that compose the scope of this new human right. The chronicle of communications technologies points out its role in the development and reproduction of capitalism, and describes the current peculiarities of the Brazilian model, noting the insufficiency of the legal principle of freedom of expression and the right to information to guarantee human dignity in the communications field. From the research of documents related to the initiatives of the federal government, this work shows how Brazilian media\'s owners uses these principle and right as a political and legal tool to obstruct regulatory and public policies, seeking perpetuation of privileges in the communication field. It also presents Communication Rigths as an umbrella shelter of a series of other rights and freedoms, in order to overcome imposed limitation on the historical understanding of freedom of expression principle and right to information, moving towards the right to participate in the public sphere on equal terms. The communications rights deals with rights and freedoms which are related to the communication field, but were historically considered unconnected. Finally, this study argues that official recognition of the communications rights as human rights is the best way to ensure dignity, giving unity and coherence to the principles related to the topic, and better defining the claim which citizens and social groups should have.

Comme dans plusieurs pays africains, la république de Guinée à connu une crise politique et sociale majeure en 2007, une crise qui a fait de nombreuses victimes. En janvier 2007, des milliers de Guinéens descendent dans les rues pour dénoncer la dégradation croissante de la situation économique et sociale du pays et les ingérences répétées du président Lansana Conté dans les affaires judiciaires. Notre sujet de recherche a porté sur le traitement de cette crise par la presse guinéenne. La méthode d’analyse de contenu adoptée nous a permis d’analyser le positionnement des journaux face à la crise, la place consacrée au sujet, le point de vue adopté dans les articles etc. L’analyse a permis de tirer des conclusions sur la médiatisation de l’évènement, sur l’orientation de son traitement journalistique ainsi que les prises de position politiques, idéologiques et émotionnelles des journalistes et des journaux. / As in many African countries, the Republic of Guinea experienced a major political and social crisis in 2007, a crisis that has caused many casualties. In January 2007, thousands of Guineans took to the streets to denounce the increasing deterioration of the economic and social situation of the country and the repeated interference of President Lansana Conté in court cases. Our research topic focused on the treatment of this crisis by the Guinean press. The content analysis method adopted allowed us to analyze the positioning newspapers deal with the crisis, instead devoted to the subject, the view adopted in articles etc. The analysis to draw conclusions on the media coverage of the event, on the orientation of its journalistic treatment and the acquisition of political, ideological and emotional position of journalists and newspapers.

La politique d’élargissement de l’Union européenne vis-à-vis des pays de l’Europe de l’Est suscite l’intérêt des pays membres envers ces nouveaux adhérents potentiels. Le rôle des médias est particulièrement important dans le processus de transition de ces sociétés. La nécessité d’une démocratisation de l’information et des politiques de communication dans ce nouveau contexte est une des questions les plus étudiées, car la liberté des médias montre le degré de démocratie. Alors qu’autrefois, l’analyse des effets des médias était privilégiée, on scrute aujourd’hui les fondements d’une communication démocratique en s’interrogeant sur la nouvelle configuration du jeu politique sous l’emprise des médias ; sur l’élargissement de l’espace public du fait de l’essor de l’information et de la communication ; sur le statut culturel des médias ; sur l’usage des TIC. La diversité des approches et le foisonnement des angles d’étude peuvent donner l’impression d’un savoir en mosaïque qui souligne la complexité des relations entre les producteurs et les récepteurs de l’information. Ce travail complexe, qui touche à tous les éléments de l’information macédonienne, propose aux lecteurs francophones l’accès à un sujet méconnu. Les principaux objectifs de la présente étude consistent d'une part en la présentation du cadre complet de la sphère médiatique macédonienne et d'autre part en l’analyse des principales questions en lien avec les enjeux politiques et sociaux. L’une des questions centrales de cette étude est ainsi de mettre en lumière les relations complexes qui s’effectuent à travers les médias entre les politiques et les différentes communautés. Toutes ces questions forment le rayonnement médiatique d’un pays, pilier de son existence culturelle, élément essentiel de sa puissance politique et nationale. / The enlargement policy of the European Union concerning the countries of Eastern Europe has triggered considerable interest from the member states for these potential new adherents. The role of media is particularly important in the transition process of these countries. The need for democratization of information and communication policies in this new context is one of the most analyzed issues since media freedom shows the degree of democracy. Despite the fact that in the past it was proven that the analysis of the media effect was privileged, today the foundations of the democratic communication are studied by questioning the new configuration of the political set under the influence of the media, as well as the expansion of the public space in terms of the development of information and communication. In addition, the cultural status of the media is also being inspected along with the use of ICT. The diversity of approaches and the proliferation of angles of study can give the impression of a mosaic knowledge that emphasizes the complexity of the relations between producers and receivers of information. This complex task, which involves all elements of the Macedonian information, proposes to French speaking readers a lesser known subject. The main objectives of this study consist in the presentation of a complete framework of the Macedonian media and also in the analysis of the main problems related to the political and social issues. One of the central points of this study is to highlight the complex relations between politics and communities that are realized through the media. All these subjects create the media influence in one country, which is a pillar of its cultural life, an essential element of its political power and a fundamental factor of its national greatness.

Este trabalho se fundamenta em uma concepção discursiva da democracia segundo a qual a comunicação pública é um elemento necessário à legitimidade da autoridade política. Segundo esse entendimento, a livre expressão de ideias é parte integral e condição essencial ao exercício das liberdades políticas em termos iguais. Tendo em vista a centralidade dos meios de comunicação na definição dos valores coletivos e na agência política, sustento que a sua estrutura deve ser orientada pelo reconhecimento de todos como pessoas livres e iguais. Uma orientação como essa se baseia na ideia de que às liberdades expressivas deve ser conferido um valor equitativo: isto é, a todos devem ser oferecidas as mesmas oportunidades e condições objetivas de exercer tais liberdades. Esta interpretação funda-se em uma compreensão deste ideal que extrapola os limites dos direitos e liberdades formais, incluindo as condições materiais e as bases sociais do autorrespeito / This work is founded in a discursive conception of democracy according to which public communication is a necessary element for the legitimacy of political authority. According to this understanding, freedom of expression is an integral part and an essential condition to the exercise of political liberties in equal terms. Given the centrality of mass media in the definition of the collective values and in political agency, I maintain the their structure must be oriented toward the acknowledgement of all as free and equal persons. An orientation like this is based on the idea that to the expressive liberties should be assigned a fair value: i.e. everyone is entitled to the same opportunities and objective conditions to exercise such liberties. This interpretation has its basis in a form of understanding such ideal that goes beyond the formal rights and freedoms to include the material conditions and the social basis of self-respect

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Kassis dos Reis Jatene.pdf: 1917172 bytes, checksum: 43567ec0fed75afbc41ceaa70138eb2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-18 / Pontificia Universidade de São Paulo / The theme to be developed is related to the fundamental right to freedom of expression against the right to non-discrimination of minorities, from the perspective of "political correctness". It is intended to highlight the restrictions on freedom of expression resulting from it, minority protection movement. From another angle, freedom of expression does not allow hate speech or incitement to violence. The promotion of tolerance in a multicultural society is the scenario that is aimed. Freedom as an institute, from which stems the freedom of expression in all its aspects (freedom of expression of thought, freedom of conscience, belief and religious worship, freedom of communication and information) as well as the restrictions imposed on this fundamental right, will be analyzed in the first chapter. The second chapter is dedicated to the minority race and ethnicity; woman; people with disability and sexual orientation. The reasons that characterize these groups as minority and vulnerable, as well as the scope of national and international protection will be expounded. The "political correctness" is the theme of the third chapter. It is a protective movement of minorities that develops primarily in the behavioral quadrant and freedom of expression. In the fourth chapter multiculturalism is studied, an outstanding feature of contemporary Western society. The diversity and coexistence - voluntary or involuntary - of different social groups is the main reason to intolerance. The fifth and final chapter is devoted to the highlight of the right of opinion and dissent, and its essential nature to democracy. It is also developed an explanation about the principle of proportionality as a method to weigh the fundamental rights at stake, to illuminate the tortuous path in the search for coexistence of divergences / A temática a ser desenvolvida está relacionada ao direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão frente ao direito de não discriminação das minorias, sob a ótica do politicamente correto . Pretende-se destacar as restrições impostas à liberdade de expressão oriundas desse movimento de proteção das minorias. Por outro ângulo, a liberdade de expressão não autoriza o discurso do ódio ou a incitação à violência. Almeja-se a promoção da tolerância no cenário multicultural. A liberdade como instituto gênero, do qual decorre a liberdade de expressão, em todas as suas vertentes (liberdade de manifestação do pensamento; liberdade de consciência, de crença e de culto religioso; liberdade de comunicação e informação), assim como as restrições impostas a esse direito fundamental, serão analisadas no primeiro capítulo. O segundo capítulo dedica-se às minorias: raça e etnia; mulher; pessoa com deficiência e orientação sexual. Serão expostas as razões que caracterizam esses grupos como minoritários e vulneráveis, bem como o âmbito de proteção nacional e internacional. O politicamente correto é o tema do terceiro capítulo. Trata-se de um movimento de proteção das minorias que se desenvolve, basicamente, no quadrante comportamental e da liberdade de expressão. Mais adiante, no quarto capítulo, passa-se ao estudo do multiculturalismo, traço marcante da sociedade contemporânea ocidental. Em razão dessa diversidade e da convivência voluntária ou involuntária de diferentes grupos sociais, emerge a intolerância. O quinto e último capítulo dedica-se a destacar o direito de opinião e dissidência, essenciais para a democracia, bem como se apresenta o princípio da proporcionalidade como método a ponderar os direitos fundamentais em jogo, a iluminar o caminho tortuoso na busca pela convivência das divergências