Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2018-01-08T17:39:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Raul_Diegues_Serva_Neto.pdf: 1093625 bytes, checksum: 60b2dba33a3e0f4aaa9b2d6c194c5957 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-08T17:39:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Raul_Diegues_Serva_Neto.pdf: 1093625 bytes, checksum: 60b2dba33a3e0f4aaa9b2d6c194c5957 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-18 / The purpose of this study was to identify, throughout the historicity of the interpretative practices, evaluation criteria for a legal decision analysis, using ADPF 187 (marijuana gait) as the application criterion for the elaborated construction. The starting question was: what makes it possible to make relevant statements about the Law? It was observed as the dissertation hypothesis, if the judicial decision presents transgressions of validity allowing for an interpretative discretion, then it may reveal a greater propensity to be an activist. In order to answer the initial question, the study was based on the following methodology: from the contribution of the hermeneutical turn in the approach to the analysis of the ADPF 187 decision, which makes it an activist legal decision; from the Heideggerian phenomenological method, by developing a three-step approach: (1) the phenomenological reduction, which promotes the shift from the perspective of the being towards the being; 2) the deconstruction of traditional concepts, which promotes masks in phenomena; 3) and construction, which shows itself as an appropriation of what has been forgotten, in which the access to the being is sequenced and the definition of its modes of being from the being. After the development of the methodology, the development of the Dworkin aesthetic hypothesis was elaborated from the Schools of Legal Hermeneutics, in which, throughout the historicity of this discussion, the first criterion resided in the will of the legislator, although this is a body disempowered; the will of the law is also not enough, because the law has no will, and it can be attributed to it; the legally protected interest can be considered a criterion of validity, which depends more on the conflicting reading of Law than on Law itself; normativism assigns either a policy decision or a recognition rule the interpretation validity, which, in a way, seeks outside the Law a criterion of validity for interpretations, or because it resides within a metaphysically conceived frame based on a hypothetical norm, or based on the recognition of all; finally, the dependence on the recognition of a legal proposal by the courts was added. None of these validity criteria is conceived from the Law itself, they generally attribute the validity of interpretations to facts. Next, the view is taken that the contributions on the Law validity unfold in the debate on the interpretative positions of the constitutional courts. Such an appeal is made for the purpose of avoiding moral or political correctness of the law. It discusses the multiple concepts of judicial activism, considering it as a contested and highly controversial concept, and then analyzes the assumptions of such concepts. Therefore, a study of the validity of the reading assumptions that support the comprehension of the validity of the reading of freedom of expression in its instrumental or constitutive bias was sought, based on the study of ADPF 187 (marijuana march) decision. This theoretical research constituted a critique of uncritical legal interpretation. He presented as a means of showing the forgetfulness of being-thus, the means of knowing the foundation and meaning of this being-thus. / Este trabalho teve como objetivo identificar, ao longo da historicidade das práticas interpretativas, critérios de avaliação para análise de uma decisão jurídica, utilizando como critério de aplicação da construção elaborada a ADPF 187 (marcha da maconha). A pergunta de partida foi: o que torna possível realizar afirmações relevantes sobre o Direito? Observou-se como hipótese da dissertação, se a decisão judicial apresenta transgressões de validade possibilitadoras de uma discricionariedade interpretativa, então ela pode revelar uma maior propensão de ser ativista. Para responder a pergunta de partida, o estudo valeu-se da seguinte metodologia: a partir do contributo do giro hermenêutico na abordagem da análise da decisão da ADPF 187, o que faz ser uma decisão jurídica ativista; a partir do método fenomenológico Heideggeriano, desenvolvendo-se uma abordagem em três passos, sendo: 1) a redução fenomenológica, que promove o deslocamento da perspectiva do ente em direção ao ser; 2) a desconstrução dos conceitos tradicionais, que promove encobrimentos nos fenômenos; 3) e a construção, que se mostra como uma apropriação do que ficou esquecido, em que se sequencia o acesso ao ser e a definição dos seus modos de ser a partir do ente. Após o desenvolvimento da metodologia, elaborou-se, a partir das Escolas de Hermenêutica Jurídica, o desenvolvimento da hipótese estética de Dworkin, na qual, ao longo da historicidade desta discussão, o primeiro critério residiu na vontade do legislador, embora seja este um ente despersonificado; a vontade da lei também não é suficiente, pois a lei não tem vontade, podendo-se atribuir vontades a ela; o interesse juridicamente protegido pode ser considerado um critério de validade, que mais depende da leitura conflitiva do Direito do que propriamente no Direito; o normativismo atribui ora a uma decisão de política ou a uma regra de reconhecimento a validade de uma interpretação, o que, de certa forma, busca fora do Direito um critério de validade para interpretações, ora porque reside dentro de uma moldura metafisicamente concebida baseada em uma norma hipotética, ora com base no reconhecimento de todos; acrescentou-se por último a dependência do reconhecimento de uma proposição jurídica pelos tribunais. Nenhum desses critérios de validade é concebido a partir do próprio Direito, geralmente atribuem a fatos a validade das interpretações. Em seguida, defende-se o ponto de vista de que os contributos sobre a validade do direito desdobram-se no debate sobre as posturas interpretativas das cortes constitucionais. Tal apelo é feito com a finalidade de evitar a correção moral ou política do direito. Discutem-se os múltiplos conceitos sobre ativismo judicial, considerando-o como um conceito contestado e altamente controverso, e logo se analisam os pressupostos de tais conceitos. Para tanto, se buscou, a partir do estudo da decisão da ADPF 187 (marcha da maconha), realizar um estudo da validade dos pressupostos de leitura que sustentam a compreensão da validade da leitura da liberdade de expressão em seu viés instrumental ou constitutivo. Esta pesquisa de base teórica constituiu uma crítica à interpretação jurídica acrítica. Apresentou como meio de mostrar o esquecimento do ser-assim, o meio de conhecer o fundamento e o sentido deste ser-assim.

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2018-02-22T18:58:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 nara_fonseca_santa_cruz_oliveira.pdf: 759775 bytes, checksum: e4be24ff2de1542aa85720e34494f350 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-22T18:58:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 nara_fonseca_santa_cruz_oliveira.pdf: 759775 bytes, checksum: e4be24ff2de1542aa85720e34494f350 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-06 / With the development of new technologies, we are currently experiencing a revolution in the information society. The Internet has provided greater global integration and has completely altered the recall process, given that the facts posted on the web tend to be timeless and it is not subject to the common biological process of forgetting. In this context, some conflicts were brought to the Judiciary, involving, on the one hand, the supposed "right to forget" (linked to the rights of the personality) and, on the other, the right to freedom of expression and communication. In this work, two cases involving the so-called "right to oblivion" ("Chacina da Candelária" and "Aída Curi") will be studied, both judged on the same day, by STJ, under the report of Minister Luis Felipe Salomão. The factual context of the cases in question was analyzed separately, but the grounds of the decisions were dealt with together, since the High Court used the same arguments to make both decisions, although the solutions pointed out were different: in the case "Chacina da Candelária" (REsp. No. 1,334,097 / RJ), the STJ first applied the right to forgetfulness, since the "Aída Curi" Case (REsp. No. 1,335,153 / RJ) was considered an unforgettable one. In this work, we will analyze the position adopted by the Supreme Court in these cases, discussing whether the way the right to forgetfulness was conceived represents a threat to the right to freedom of expression and communication and the right to collective memory. In order to elucidate the problem, the general aspects involving personality rights, the right to freedom of expression and the collision of fundamental rights will be observed. The institute of collective memory will also be studied. / Com o desenvolvimento das novas tecnologias, experimentamos, atualmente, uma revolução na sociedade de informação. A Internet proporcionou uma maior integração global e alterou completamente o processo de lembrança, tendo em vista que os fatos divulgados na rede tendem a ser eternos e ela não se sujeita ao processo biológico comum de esquecimento. Nesse contexto, alguns conflitos foram levados ao Poder Judiciário, envolvendo, de um lado, o suposto “direito ao esquecimento” (ligado aos direitos da personalidade) e, do outro, o direito à liberdade de expressão e comunicação. Neste trabalho, será feito o estudo de dois casos envolvendo o chamado “direito ao esquecimento” (“Chacina da Candelária” e “Aída Curi”), ambos julgados no mesmo dia, pelo STJ, sob a relatoria do Ministro Luís Felipe Salomão. O contexto fático dos casos em questão foi analisado em separado, mas os fundamentos das decisões foram tratados em conjunto, tendo em vista que o Superior Tribunal utilizou os mesmos argumentos para proferir ambas as decisões, muito embora as soluções apontadas tenham sido diferentes: no caso “Chacina da Candelária” (REsp. nº. 1.334.097/RJ), o STJ aplicou pela primeira vez o direito ao esquecimento, já o Caso “Aída Curi” (REsp. nº 1.335.153/RJ) foi considerado inesquecível. Neste trabalho, será analisado o posicionamento adotado pelo STJ nos referidos casos, discutindo-se se a forma como o direito ao esquecimento foi concebido representa uma ameaça ao direito à liberdade de expressão e comunicação e ao direito à memória coletiva. Para elucidar o problema, serão observados os aspectos gerais que envolvem os direitos da personalidade, o direito à liberdade de expressão e a colisão entre direitos fundamentais. Será estudado também o instituto da memória coletiva.

Cette thèse propose une lecture juridique, politique et sociale de l’application de la loi anti-blasphème de 1965 dans le plus grand pays musulman du monde, l’Indonésie. Plusieurs controverses sont apparues ces dernières années concernant la nature de la loi sur le blasphème dans la vie religieuse de la société démocratique indonésienne ; cette loi correspond-elle à la prévention des abus en matière de religion et/ou de blasphème, comme il est mentionné explicitement dans son titre, ou bien concernerait-elle plutôt la restriction de la liberté de religion et d’expression en matière religieuse ? En avril 2010, après le procès contrôlant la constitutionnalité de cette loi, une décision de la Cour constitutionnelle indonésienne a établi que la loi examinée ne correspondait pas à cette seconde lecture. Si cette loi a bien pour objectif de restreindre la liberté de religion ou d’expression en matière religieuse, selon la Cour, cela ne signifie pas que cette forme de restriction est inconstitutionnelle dès lors que la Constitution de 1945 en vigueur s’accompagne d’une restriction légale au respect ou à la sauvegarde des valeurs religieuses en particulier, à côté de la moralité, de la sécurité et de l’ordre public. Toutefois, les débats et les tensions au sein de la société concernant l’application de cette loi perdurent sans relâche. Les défenseurs des droits de l’homme maintiennent que l’existence d’une telle loi anti-blasphème est contraire à l’esprit de la démocratie. En revanche, les défenseurs de la censure religieuse s’obstinent à affirmer que cette loi est nécessaire pour éviter les conflits religieux. À travers une analyse de son contenu juridique et de sa mise en application, nous considérons que la loi anti-blasphème de 1965 a visé en premier lieu à entraver le déploiement des courants de croyance spirituelle locale ou des courants mystiques javanais qui, dans une certaine mesure, sont considérés par les musulmans en particulier comme une menace pour les religions existantes et pour la désintégration du pays. Dans un second temps, nous verrons que l’existence de ladite loi est davantage destinée à restreindre le nombre des religions reconnues par l’État d’une part, et à réprimer les courants religieux « dissidents » ou « hétérodoxes » d’autre part. Si les actes jugés comme blasphématoires, parmi lesquels figure la diffusion d’interprétation religieuse « déviantes » de l’orthodoxie, sont des infractions sanctionnées, ce n’est pas la loi anti-blasphème de 1965 qui sert de référence, mais l’article 156a du Code pénal qui trouve son origine dans ladite loi. Ainsi, la loi anti-blasphème de 1965 est plutôt utilisée pour restreindre la liberté de religion et de conviction au sens large, alors que l’article 156a du Code pénal est chargé de limiter la liberté d’expression en matière religieuse. En Indonésie comme ailleurs, le renforcement de l’application de la loi anti-blasphème va de pair avec l’émergence des groupes religieux radicaux qui veulent voir triompher leur conception totalitaire d’une liberté d’expression bridée par le respect de la foi religieuse. Ces derniers utilisent de cette loi non seulement à des fins religieuses, mais également à des fins politiques, notamment celle déstabiliser un régime « laïque » ou bien d’étendre leur influence. L’objectif de cette thèse est non seulement d’analyser la nature de la loi anti-blasphème de 1965, mais aussi de proposer une perspective alternative pour aborder les conflits juridiques en Indonésie concernant les deux droits fondamentaux, à savoir le droit à la liberté de religion et le droit d’expression. La thèse vise alors la prévention des conflits juridiques en la matière et ainsi qu’à trouver un équilibre entre les libertés concernées. / This thesis proposes a legal, political and social reading of the application of the blasphemy law in the largest Muslim country in the world, Indonesia. Several controversies have emerged in recent years regarding the nature of the blasphemy law in the religious life of the Indonesian democratic society. For instance, disagreement remains with regards to the intent of this law, i.e., whether it really aims at preventing misuse of religion and/or acts of blasphemy, as explicitly mentioned in its title, or whether it intends to restrict the freedom of religion and religious expression. In April 2010, after the examination of the constitutionality of this law, the Indonesian Constitutional Court ruled out the second possibility. The court further argues that even if the law has an unintended effect of restricting the freedom of religion or religious expression, it is not against the constitution since the 1945 Constitution is accompanied by a legal restriction to respect or preserve religious values in particular, as well as morality, security and public order. However, the debates and tensions within society regarding the implementation of this law continue unabated. On the one hand, human rights defenders persist in saying that the existing anti-blasphemy law is contrary to the spirit of democracy. On the other, defenders of religious censorship persist in resisting that this law is necessary to avoid religious conflicts. Through an analysis of legal content and its implementation, I argue that the blasphemy law of 1965 initially aims to hinder the development of the local spiritual belief stream or Javanese mystical groups, which to some extent are considered by Muslims in particular as a threat to existing religions and a source of disintegration of the country. Further, I maintain that the existence of the above-mentioned law has the tendency to restrict the number of religions officially acknowledged by the State and to repress “dissident” or “heterodox” religious movements. If acts considered blasphemous, including the "deviant" religious interpretation of orthodoxy, are punishable offenses, it is not the anti-blasphemy law of 1965 that serves as a reference, but the article 156a of the Penal Code, which has its origin in that blasphemy law does. As a consequence, the blasphemy law of the 1965 is rather used to restrict the freedom of religion and belief in the broad sense, while article 156a of the Penal Code is applied to limit the freedom of religious expression. In Indonesia, as elsewhere, the strengthening of the application of the blasphemy law goes hand in hand with the emergence of radical religious groups intend to promote their totalitarian concept of freedom of expression restrained by respect for the religious faith. The latter make use of this law not only for religious reasons, but also for political reasons, including destabilizing a secular regime or extending their influence. The thesis does not only aim to analyze the nature of the blasphemy law of 1965, but also to propose an alternative perspective in understanding and solving the problem of the legal conflicts in Indonesia pertaining to the two fundamental rights, namely the right to freedom of religion and expression. The thesis also seeks to find a balance between two freedoms and to propose preventive measures that can be adopted in the aforementioned legal conflicts.

This thesis explores if and how states can regain control over large social media platforms like Facebook, and by doing so ensuring that individuals on those platforms can de facto enjoy their human rights, as enshrined in international treaties. Today, the platforms are crucial facilitators of human rights but at the same time facilitators of threats towards the enjoyment of the same rights. Behind this duality hides three gaps, namely between individuals’ de jure enshrined human rights and their de facto possibilities to enjoy them on social media, states extensive de jure obligations to ensure those rights on social media and their limited de facto possibilities to actually do so, and lastly between the platforms limited de jure responsibilities to respect human rights and their extensive de facto influence over human rights. The reason that these gaps have arisen is essentially that public international law – mainly its strict horizontal character and its definition of jurisdiction as something exclusively tied to a delimited physical territory – is inadequate to tackle the virtual, cross-border, and non-state activity that the platforms are pursuing. To find what could be done to lessen these gaps, this thesis turns to theories in analytical jurisprudence and public international law: the identity of systems, legal pluralism and international legal subjectivity. The first suggests that this issue cannot be solved due to different legal systems having different identities and thus cannot be bridged. The second also suggests that the issue cannot be solved not because of differing identities of systems but because the platforms should be regarded as autonomous legal systems, not subordinate to state law. Finally, the third alternative suggests an actual solution: making the platforms subject directly to international law and universal jurisdiction. Even though this is a legally sound solution it is, however, not as simple a solution as it might appear.

The diploma thesis deals with media freedom in the Visegrád Group countries (Czechia, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary) from the perspective of professional journalists. It aims to map how journalists in these four countries perceive freedom in relation to their profession - how they understand the concept of freedom of expression, what threatens freedom of expression or freedom of the media according to them, how free they feel in their profession and what is the trend regarding media freedom in the coming years in their opinion. The theoretical part thoroughly captures the historical development of freedom of expression, its legal protection in constitutional documents and international conventions, the limits of freedom of expression as well as forms of its restriction. It also introduces the most important non-governmental non- profit organizations monitoring media freedom in the world and presents the media environment in each country. The theoretical part also pursues the perception and approach of professional journalists to freedom of expression, media freedom and other journalistic concepts and values. The analytical part then follows a journalistic professional discourse in the form of a qualitative analysis based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with active journalists from the Visegrád...

El tema de investigación es la autocensura dentro de la libertad de expresión en las plataformas de Twitter. La elección del tema fue dada porque supone un panorama constantemente ignorado por los usuarios dentro de las plataformas digitales. Las redes sociales se convirtieron en el megáfono de las personas que desean expresarse libremente. Lamentablemente, con el pasar de los años ese discurso fue desvaneciéndose para convertirse en un dialogo en el que se busca aceptación antes que la expresión. Los resultados de la investigación conducirán a la mejora de la compresión del comportamiento humano ante tal problemática, pues se adentrará en el pensamiento psicológico del usuario como también en una comprensión global del contexto en la cual se encuentra. Se cree que el público interesado será tanto los usuarios de plataformas digitales como también profesionales en comunicación, ya que abre una puerta a la compresión de sucesos que se desarrollan en la mencionada red social tercera persona. / The research topic is self-censorship within the freedom of expression on Twitter platforms. The choice of the topic was given because it supposes a panorama constantly ignored by users within digital platforms. Social networks became the megaphone for people who want to express themselves freely. Unfortunately, with the passing of the years, that discourse faded to become a dialogue in which acceptance is sought rather than expression. The results of the research will lead to the improvement of the understanding of human behavior, since it will delve into the psychological thinking of the user as well as a global understanding of the context in which it is found. It’s believed that the interested public will be both users of digital platforms as well as communication professionals, since it opens a door to the understanding of events that take place in the aforementioned third-person social network. / Trabajo de investigación

[pt] O presente estudo visa a apresentar uma análise acerca da atividade de moderação de conteúdo exercida pelas grandes redes sociais, como Facebook, Instagram e Twitter. Para tanto, inicialmente, serão analisados como as redes sociais alcançaram o status que têm hoje como grandes influenciadoras do discurso público e como a atividade de moderação de conteúdo se desenvolveu e se encontra na atualidade, sendo uma atividade necessária para assegurar o direito à liberdade de expressão dos usuários, que devem ser resguardos de espaços digitais tóxicos, com a proliferação de conteúdo ilícito e falso. Em seguida, serão apresentados os desafios envolvidos na atividade de moderação de conteúdo. Por fim, com base nos conceitos e problemas apresentados, será feita uma análise da melhor forma para se regular a atividade de moderação de conteúdo, em consonância com as normas do Marco Civil da Internet (Lei número 12.965/2014). / [en] The present study aims to present an analysis about the content moderation activity carried out by the major social networks, such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter. To do so, initially, it will be analyzed how social networks reached the status they have today as major influencers of public discourse and how the content moderation activity has developed and is currently found, being a necessary activity to ensure the right to freedom of expression of users, who must be safeguarded of toxic digital spaces, with the proliferation of illicit and false content. Next, the challenges involved in the content moderation activity will be presented. Finally, based on the concepts and problems presented, an analysis will be made of the best way to regulate content moderation, in accordance with the Internet Legal Framework (Law No. 12,965/2014).

The aim of this study is to explore the complex system of sanctuary networks created to safeguard artists, journalists, publicists, and writers internationally. The two sanctuary networks included in the study are International Cities of Refuge Network and Artists at risk, both aimed to create sanctuaries and advocacy for freedom of speech but with different scopes and focus. The analytical methods used consists of system- and organizational theory tools, to map the components of the networks and contingency theory to analyze the external aspects that affect the networks. The mapping of the networks provides an overall picture of the organizational system structure containing permanent organization, cooperating actors, political actors, meeting points, funding and direction of process. The analysis show that the networks produce different types of safeguarding of artists, long-term and short-term. Both structures create pros and cons but complement each other in a complex system with a plurality of needs and solutions. Challenges that the networks face mostly consist of economic uncertainty and a need for flexibility towards external changes whilst needing structural stability to face challenges efficiently.

Syftet med studien var att undersöka om individens grundläggande värderingar påverkade individens begränsningar i yttrandefriheten. För att redovisa grundläggande värderingar utgår studien från Schwartz teoretiska ramverk. De värderingar som undersöktes var konservativ och öppenhet till förändring. Författarna undersökte även om det fanns någon skillnad i begränsad yttrandefrihet hos de människor som förlikade sig mer eller mindre med de olika värderingarna, i en svensk kontext. Tidigare forskning menar att politiskt konservativa upplever sig mer begränsade än människor som är öppna till förändring. Urvalet i studien bestod av individer över 18 år som hade röstat i det senaste riksdagsvalet 2022, det blev totalt 155 respondenter som besvarade enkäten. Enkäten publicerades på plattformen Facebook. Datanalysmetoden som utfördes var en enkel linjär regressionsanalys för att undersöka hur grundläggande värderingar påverkar begränsningar i yttrandefriheten. Studiens resultat visar att konservativa upplever sig begränsade i sin yttrandefrihet i samtliga miljöer vilket också stämde överens med tidigare forskning. / The purpose of this study was to investigate whether the individual's basic values affected the individual´s limitations in freedom of expression. In order to present basic values, the study is bases on Schwart´s theory. The values examined were conservativeand openness to change. The authors also investigated whether there was any difference in limited freedom of expression in the people who reconciled more or less with the different values, in a Swedish context. Previous research announced that politically conservative people feel more restricted than people who are open to change. The sample in the study consisted of individuals over the age of 18 who had voted in the last parliamentary election in 2022, there were a total of 155 respondents who answered the survey. The survey was published on the Facebook platform. The data analysis method that was performed was a simple linear regression analysis to examine how fundamental values affect restrictions on freedom of expression. The study's results show that conservatives feel limited in their freedom of expression in all environments, which also agreed with previous research.

[pt] O presente trabalho pretende analisar como a desinformação é monetizada no ambiente virtual e compreender aspectos regulatórios estruturais e concretos para reduzir os efeitos nocivos desta prática. Assim, será demostrado o conceito de desinformação e de publicidade personalizada, além da relação que possuem entre si. Em virtude dos diversos benefícios gerados por este tipo de publicidade e dos riscos para a liberdade de expressão que podem advir da regulação focada em conteúdo, são apresentadas soluções centradas na arquitetura da plataforma e na proteção de dados pessoais. Como proposta, se apresenta uma regulação multiparticipativa, com amplitude de instrumentos e com a mescla de conceitos mais precisos e mais vagos, buscando segurança jurídica sem descuidar da necessária elasticidade diante da dinâmica que envolve novas tecnologias. Por fim, são apresentadas medidas concretas voltadas para (i) transparência e empoderamento do usuário; (ii) transparência e controle para o anunciante; (iii) accountability e dados pessoais. / [en] The present work intends to analyze how disinformation is monetized on the virtual environment and comprehend the concrete and structural regulatory aspects to reduce the damaging effects of said practice. Thus, the concept of disinformation and programmatic advertising will be shown, as well as the link between them. By virtue of many benefits gerated by this kind of advertising and the risks to the freedom of speech that can come from regulation focussed on contente, solutions based on the the architecture of the plataform and personal data privice protection are presented. As a proposal, a multi-stakeholder regulation is presented with te amplitude of mechanisms and with the mix of the most accurate and vague concepts looking for legal security without neglecting the elasticity there is required in view of the dynamics that involves new thecnologies. Finally, concrete measures designed for (ii) transparency andu ser empowerment are presented; (ii) transparency and control for the advertiser; (iii) accountability and personal data.