Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-20T08:44:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Freire dos Santos.pdf: 2446064 bytes, checksum: 7b0bcb2c75aaf557d7a717cfc15175dd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T08:44:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Freire dos Santos.pdf: 2446064 bytes, checksum: 7b0bcb2c75aaf557d7a717cfc15175dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-08 / The aim of this study is to analyse the existence of the so-called "right to be forgotten", characterised as a desire of an individual regarding a fact from the past, published at the time, in a lawful way, not to be remembered in current or even past information (accessed through the Internet) by virtue of the disturbance caused to their life in the present. Not expressly implemented in Brazil, the right to be forgotten has emerged within a tense situation between communicative freedoms and fundamental personality rights, such as private life (not only treated herein as the traditional concept, but a more dynamic and relational definition, involving the control of personal data and information), image and honour. Considering that the absence of contemporaneous information is only one of the factual circumstances to be observed when assessing communicative freedoms and fundamental personality rights, the theory of principles developed by Robert Alexy is adopted as a model for resolving the tensions between fundamental rights. Based on this theoretical assumption, we examine communicative freedoms and fundamental personality rights in Brazil, in order to, in sequence, scrutinise the right to be forgotten from the foreign experience and in Brazilian cases. In addressing the desire to be forgotten in the traditional media and in the digital context, we differentiate its main aspects and its mechanisms of regulation and guardianship. We scrutinise the right to memory and truth, the right to informational self-determination, the storage of old news in digital Press archives and the removal of links from the search results in search engines, so-called de-indexation. Finally, we analyse specific cases submitted to the Judiciary Branch involving the right to be forgotten digitally in Brazil and we apply the rule of proportionality / O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar a existência do denominado “direito ao esquecimento”, caracterizado como uma pretensão de seu titular não ser relembrado em uma informação atual, ou mesmo pretérita (acessada pela Internet), de um fato do passado, publicizado, à época, de forma lícita, em virtude da perturbação causada à vida presente. Não expressamente positivado no Brasil, o direito ao esquecimento tem se revelado em uma situação de tensão entre as liberdades comunicativas e os direitos fundamentais da personalidade, como a vida privada (aqui não apenas em seu conceito tradicional, mas em uma definição mais dinâmica e relacional, envolvendo o controle de dados e informações pessoais), a imagem e a honra. Considerando que a ausência de contemporaneidade da informação é apenas uma das circunstâncias fáticas a serem observadas quando do sopesamento entre as liberdades comunicativas e os direitos fundamentais da personalidade, adota-se como modelo para resolução das tensões entre os direitos fundamentais a teoria dos princípios desenvolvida por Robert Alexy. Com base neste pressuposto teórico, examinamos as liberdades comunicativas e os direitos fundamentais da personalidade no Brasil, para, na sequência, esmiuçarmos o direito ao esquecimento a partir da experiência estrangeira e dos casos brasileiros. Em abordagem à pretensão ao olvido nas mídias tradicionais e no contexto digital, diferenciamos seus principais aspectos e os seus mecanismos de regulação e tutela. Esquadrinhamos o direito à memória e à verdade, o direito à autodeterminação informativa, a manutenção de notícias antigas em arquivos digitais da imprensa e a remoção de links dos resultados de pesquisa em motores de busca, a chamada desindexação. Ao final, analisamos casos concretos submetidos ao Poder Judiciário envolvendo o direito ao esquecimento digital no Brasil e aplicamos a regra da proporcionalidade

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<p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p><p><p>About two years after publishing so called Muhammad cartoons in Denmark, the Swedish regional newspaper</p><p><em>Nerikes Allehanda </em>in Orebro published an editorial on self-censorship. A drawing of Prophet Muhammad as a Roundabout dog, drawn by <em>Lars Vilks</em>, was illustrating the article. Publishing of Muhammad drawing was followed by reactions both in Sweden and in some other countries especially in the muslim world. There are many differences and similarities between the publishing in Denmark and Sweden. There are differences and similarities between the two cases even regarding to the reactions in muslim countries. Mass media have certainly played an important role in mediating information about the publishing to people in muslim countries. Which information and how they were mediated are significant for shaping perceptions and thereby the reactions that followed the publishing of Muhammad drawing in Sweden. This essay is investigating how newspapers and online newspapers (web newspapers) in nine muslim countries reported about the publishing of Muhammad drawing. The subjects that newspapers were interesting of and the discourses domination reporting are in focus for this investigation. This essay will also investigate how newspapers and online newspapers in muslim countries covered two issues which were well covered by Swedish media, A threat against <em>Lars Vilks </em>from organization "Islamic State in Iraq" and a statement from the Iranian president Ahmadinejad regarding the Muhammad drawing in <em>Nerikes Allehanda</em>.</p></p></p>

Universities have traditionally stood as bastions of academic freedom and forums for open discourse and free expression. In recent years, however, this role has been questioned in instances where university administrators have, either directly or complicity, denied students the opportunity to express certain viewpoints they deem “controversial”. This research paper explores whether a university, or its delegates, should be allowed to deny students access to campus facilities and resources solely on the basis of ideological viewpoint. The relevance of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, statutory human rights provisions, and common law doctrines to the student-university relationship are explored in turn. It is argued that, notwithstanding the fact that universities may be “private” actors to whom the Charter does not directly apply, they are institutions invested with a public interest, and as such ought to be subject to special duties of non-discrimination.

Universities have traditionally stood as bastions of academic freedom and forums for open discourse and free expression. In recent years, however, this role has been questioned in instances where university administrators have, either directly or complicity, denied students the opportunity to express certain viewpoints they deem “controversial”. This research paper explores whether a university, or its delegates, should be allowed to deny students access to campus facilities and resources solely on the basis of ideological viewpoint. The relevance of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, statutory human rights provisions, and common law doctrines to the student-university relationship are explored in turn. It is argued that, notwithstanding the fact that universities may be “private” actors to whom the Charter does not directly apply, they are institutions invested with a public interest, and as such ought to be subject to special duties of non-discrimination.

Despite the fact that the issue has been discussed for several decades, there are still no rules in Sweden mandating political parties and candidates to disclose received donations. Because of this lack of transparency, Sweden is not fulfilling some of its international obligations and has fallen behind in the international trend to increase the transparency of election campaign finance. The lack of disclosure rules in Sweden has led to extensive criticism, most notably from the Council of Europe´s group of states against corruption, Greco, who criticized Sweden in light of the guidelines on the subject from the Council of Europe. At this writing, a new proposal for disclosure rules is being prepared at the Department of Justice, DoJ. The proposal is to be presented in spring 2013. For the time being, the only thing that exists regarding transparency of election finance in Sweden is an agreement from 2000, struck between some of the parties in parliament, to voluntarily disclose some of their received donations. In 2004 a government report proposed implementing disclosure rules. The proposal received extensive criticism from the reviewing bodies regarding its compliance with the rights protection in the Swedish Instrument of Government, RF. RF provides absolute protection against the government forcing individuals to disclose their opinions in political matters and absolute protection against the government keeping records of individuals' political opinions. Since these rights are absolute, they can be restricted only by constitutional amendment. It is uncertain if disclosure rules can be considered infringements under these absolute provisions, but even if they are considered infringements, it is likely that the disclosure provisions can be designed so as not to violate the RF absolute protections. Furthermore, RF provides relative protection of the freedom of expression and association. Disclosure rules would probably not infringe the freedom of expression but are likely to be considered infringements of the freedom of association. Restrictions of the freedom of association can only be implemented in the order specified in RF and since the order for restricting the freedom of association is very rigid, it is unlikely that such a restriction would be allowed under the current RF. The DoJ has expressed that the pending proposal will not include a proposal for a constitutional amendment. For Sweden to fulfill its international obligations in regards of transparency in campaign finance, more extensive disclosure rules must be implemented than those included in the agreement between some parties in parliament and those included in the 2004 proposal. The DoJ has expressed, however, that the pending proposal will be modeled upon both the voluntary agreement and the 2004 proposal. It is therefore not entirely unlikely that the pending proposal will be either illegal under the constitution or not far reaching enough, or both. / I Sverige saknas regler som kräver av politiska partier och kandidater att redovisa mottagna donationer (redovisningskrav). Detta trots att frågan diskuterats under flera decennier. Frånvaron av redovisningskrav innebär att Sverige inte uppfyller vissa av sina internationella åtaganden och att Sverige halkat efter i den mycket tydliga internationella trenden att öka transparensen kring valkampanjernas finansiering. Frånvaron har även lett till omfattande kritik, framförallt från Europarådets grupp mot korruption, Greco, som kritiserat bristen utifrån Europarådets riktlinjer i ämnet. I skrivande stund bereds vid Justitiedepartementet ett förslag till redovisningskrav som kommer att presenteras under våren 2013. Tills vidare är det enda som finns avseende transparens i valkampanjfinansieringen en överenskommelse från 2000, mellan några av partierna i Riksdagen om att frivilligt redovisa vissa mottagna bidrag. År 2004 föreslog en offentlig utredning införandet av redovisningskrav. Förslaget mötte omfattande kritik från remissinstanserna gällande dess förenlighet med regeringsformens, RF:s, rättighetsskydd. RF innehåller ett absolut skydd mot att det allmänna tvingar en enskild att tillkännage sin politiska åskådning och ett absolut skydd mot att det allmänna registrerar en enskilds politiska åskådning. Eftersom dessa skydd är absoluta kan de endast inskränkas genom grundlags-ändring. Det är osäkert om redovisningskrav kan anses vara inskränkningar av dessa absoluta skydd. Om redovisningskrav är inskränkningar av dessa absoluta rättigheter torde det ändock vara möjligt att utforma kraven så att de är förenliga med skydden. RF innehåller även relativa skydd för yttrandefrihet och föreningsfrihet. Redovisningskrav skulle förmodligen inte vara en inskränkning av RF:s skydd för yttrandefriheten men troligtvis vara en inskränkning av RF:s skydd för föreningsfrihet. Detta innebär att inskränkningen endast får göras enligt i RF stadgad ordning. Eftersom möjligheterna att inskränka föreningsfriheten enligt RF är mycket små är det tveksamt om en sådan inskränkning är möjlig att införa utan grundlagsändring. Justitiedepartementet har dock uttryckt att det nya förslaget inte kommer att inkludera något förslag till grundlagsändring. För att Sverige ska uppfylla sina internationella åtaganden avseende öppenhet i valfinansieringen måste mer långtgående redovisningskrav införas än de som ingår i den frivilliga överenskommelsen och som föreslogs av utredningen 2004. Justitiedepartementet har dock uttryckt att just utredningen från 2004 och den frivilliga överenskommelsen ska ligga till grund för de nya redovisningskraven. Det är alltså inte helt osannolikt att det kommande förslaget till redovisningskrav kommer att vara antingen oförenlig med regeringsformen eller inte tillräckligt långtgående, eller både och

In this thesis I address the question of sympathetic action - action by one group of workers designed to aid another group of workers in their struggle with an employer, manifested most obviously through refusals by workers to cross a picket line - through the lens of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. As the law currently stands in Canada, undertaking sympathetic action collectively is invariably illegal as it is considered an illegal "strike" under Canadian labour legislation. Further, workers who undertake sympathetic action - whether collectively or individually - can be subject to discipline or discharge by their employer. I argue that workers who undertake sympathetic action can have numerous motivations, ranging from economic self-interest to deeply-held political or moral beliefs (the latter manifested through the concept of "solidarity"), and that when those motivations include expressive or conscientious interests, sympathetic action should be entitled to protection by the fundamental freedoms of conscience, expression, and association found in section 2 of the Charter. I further argue that a each of these freedoms represents a different aspect of the inherent dignity and worth of an individual, and that a right to sympathetic action promotes both those freedoms and Charter values. Finally, I argue that a constitutional right to sympathetic action is a free-standing right that can exist even in the absence of a constitutional right to strike. This thesis reviews the current and historical state of Canadian law (in both the statutory labour relations regimes and in common law) regarding sympathetic action, the potential application of the Charter freedoms of conscience, expression, and association to sympathetic action, and finally options for reform that reduce or eliminate restrictions on sympathetic action and therefore make our labour relations system more in keeping with Charter values.

This thesis revisits the effects of moving image regulation, exploring its histories in Canada with an interest in the intersections between arts practitioners and legal processes in the administration of culture. During the 1980s and 1990s, intensified film and video regulatory activities necessitated a coalition space for cultural activism populated by media artists and exhibitors, legal and academic scholars, and public intellectuals engaged with representational and identity politics, producing discourses about sexuality, pornography, race, AIDS, censorship, fundamental freedoms, and art. Considering the current state of the law, largely ignored by arts exhibitors in between moments of crisis, I ask how is the reception of this history reflected in practice with regard to regulation and self-regulation? Drawing on work that develops out of Michel Foucault’s theories of governmentality, I argue that actors across Canada were confronted with the task of negotiating not just how contemporary art survives regulatory scrutiny in public policy arenas and the courts, but also the acceptable boundaries of sexual identities and citizenship. This approach prompts a rethinking of contradictory liberal and libertarian notions of censorship to foreground the way ideas are constrained in all aspects of policy, and the way protocols of dissuasion often fail. As such, censoring acts reveal themselves to be less about restricting access than they are about the administration or legitimation of particular cultural values. This thesis historicizes the mandate of the Ontario Film Review Board, explores aspects of movement strategies as they work to crystallize identities, documents specific speech constraints and their justifications in the law, and suggests functions of counter-speech in video productions of the period. This thesis is guided by a concern with the relationship between cultural citizens and the state and asks what role does the state imagine itself playing in regulating the circulation of images? What are the (mis)understandings of censorship within more recent anti-censorship movement efforts, and what are the opportunities for cultural citizens to negotiate change, both in public policy and in popular consciousness? / Thesis (Ph.D, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2010-09-23 11:09:40.235

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Syracuse University, 2007. / "Publication number: AAT 3295522."

Submitted by Bárbara Bressan Belan null (ba_92_b@hotmail.com) on 2016-09-19T14:44:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DEFESA MESTRADO BÁRBARA_AUTOARQUIVAMENTO.pdf: 2487772 bytes, checksum: d8af82cf6dce1283b21db1c295660e2a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-22T13:46:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 belan_bb_me_bauru.pdf: 2487772 bytes, checksum: d8af82cf6dce1283b21db1c295660e2a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-22T13:46:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 belan_bb_me_bauru.pdf: 2487772 bytes, checksum: d8af82cf6dce1283b21db1c295660e2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-11 / O direito à liberdade de expressão é garantido pela Constituição brasileira de 1988, e pode ser exercido de diversas formas. Entre junho de 2013 e julho de 2014, esse direito foi exercido por milhões de brasileiros que foram às ruas protestar contra a precariedade da saúde e educação pública, a corrupção, o aumento da tarifa de ônibus e também contra os gastos excessivos para a realização da Copa do Mundo. As manifestações sociais aconteceram na mesma época em que dois megaeventos esportivos eram realizados no país: a Copa das Confederações, em 2013, e a Copa do Mundo, em 2014. O objetivo desta pesquisa é verificar se dois veículos de comunicação impressos, Folha de S. Paulo e O Globo, que noticiaram as manifestações sociais, trataram-nas como um exercício pleno do direito à liberdade de expressão, ou criminalizaram o movimento. Para cumprir os objetivos, será utilizada a metodologia da análise de conteúdo. A hipótese é de que os jornais abordaram o assunto de maneira superficial e negativa. A partir das análises quantitativas e qualitativas realizadas com base na metodologia escolhida, tornou-se possível a confirmação de tal hipótese. / The right to freedom of expression is guaranteed by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, and can be practiced by many different ways. Between june of 2013 and july of 2014, this right was practiced by millions of Brazilians, that went to the street to protest against the precariousness of public health and education, corruption, the increase in the bus pass and also against excessive expenses for the realization of the World Cup. The social manifestations happened in the same time that two sportive mega events were realized in the country: The Confederations Cup, in 2013, and The World Cup, in 2014. The object of this research is to verify if two newspapers, Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo, that noticed the social manifestations, treated them as an exercise of the right to freedom of expression, or criminalized the protest. To meet the goals, it will be used the methodology of content analysis. The hypothesis is that the newspapers dealt with the issue in a superficial and negative way. By the quantitative and qualitative analysis based on the chosen method, it became possible to confirm this.