A presente dissertação aborda os diferentes aspectos que impulsionam a demanda pelo reconhecimento do direito humano à comunicação como um direito fundamental, assim como as características teóricas que compõe o escopo deste novo direito. A partir do relato histórico sobre a evolução dos meios de comunicação, aponta o papel da comunicação mediada por tecnologias no desenvolvimento e reprodução do capitalismo, e descreve as peculiaridades atuais do modelo brasileiro, constatando a insuficiência do direito à liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação para a garantia da dignidade humana no campo da comunicação na medida em que os mesmos não impediram a privatização da esfera pública. Evidencia, a partir de pesquisa documental relacionada às iniciativas gestadas no âmbito do governo federal, como os proprietários dos meios de comunicação brasileiros se apropriaram destes princípios jurídicos, utilizado-os, no plano político e jurídico, como instrumento para obstrução de políticas públicas e regulatórias, na busca da perpetuação de privilégios no campo da comunicação. Apresenta o direito à comunicação como um direito guarda-chuva, abrigo de uma série de outros direitos e liberdades, na busca da superação da limitação historicamente imposta à compreensão da liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação, avançando rumo ao direito à participação na esfera pública em condições de igualdade material. No DHC se encontram direitos e liberdades que possuem relação com o campo da comunicação, mas que historicamente foram considerados de forma estanque e sem conexão. Defende a tese que o reconhecimento oficial do direito à comunicação no plano jurídico é a melhor forma garantir a dignidade humana neste campo, dando unidade e coerência aos princípios que possuem algum tipo de interface com o tema, assim como melhor definindo o perfil da pretensão a qual se almeja que os cidadãos e grupos sociais devem exercer. / This dissertation deals with different aspects that imposes the demand for recognition of Communication Rigths as a fundamental right, and presents the characteristics that compose the scope of this new human right. The chronicle of communications technologies points out its role in the development and reproduction of capitalism, and describes the current peculiarities of the Brazilian model, noting the insufficiency of the legal principle of freedom of expression and the right to information to guarantee human dignity in the communications field. From the research of documents related to the initiatives of the federal government, this work shows how Brazilian media\'s owners uses these principle and right as a political and legal tool to obstruct regulatory and public policies, seeking perpetuation of privileges in the communication field. It also presents Communication Rigths as an umbrella shelter of a series of other rights and freedoms, in order to overcome imposed limitation on the historical understanding of freedom of expression principle and right to information, moving towards the right to participate in the public sphere on equal terms. The communications rights deals with rights and freedoms which are related to the communication field, but were historically considered unconnected. Finally, this study argues that official recognition of the communications rights as human rights is the best way to ensure dignity, giving unity and coherence to the principles related to the topic, and better defining the claim which citizens and social groups should have.

Based on the analysis of the interdependence between the concepts of democracy and the public sphere, this study investigates the reach of the fundamental right to freedom of expression, especially when conducted through media communication and their chances of litigation, distinctively when it occurs by an inhibitory guardianship that forbids the act of communicating. To that end, the procedural conceptions of democracy developed from the mid-twentieth century by Joseph Schumpeter, Norberto Bobbio, Robert Dahl, Boaventura de Souza Santos and Jürgen Habermas are initially addressed. Each conception emphasizes the role of freedom of expression and its relevance to the public sphere formation, whose concept and assumptions displayed in the works of the aforementioned authors are used for establishing the essential conditioning factors to the media democratic setting. Under these parameters, the study explores the constitutional system of freedom of expression and of media and its Supreme Federal Court interpretation through the decision that declared the former press law non-compatible by the Constitution of 1988, covering the latest court decisions that have attributed an absolute tone to freedom of expression according to a vast concept of censorship, eliminating almost completely from judicial consideration the product of media activity through an ultra-liberal argumentative standard that ignores the unequal and concentrated structure of communication freedoms operating instruments. / A partir da análise da interdependência entre os conceitos de democracia e esfera pública, o presente trabalho investiga o alcance do direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão, notadamente quando realizado através dos meios de comunicação de massa, e suas hipóteses de judicialização, principalmente quando esta se dá mediante uma tutela preventiva que interdite o ato de comunicar. Para tanto, inicialmente são abordadas as concepções procedimentais de democracia desenvolvidas a partir de meados do século XX por Joseph Schumpeter, Norberto Bobbio, Robert Dahl, Boaventura de Souza Santos e Jürgen Habermas, sublinhando-se em todas o papel da liberdade de expressão e sua importância para a constituição da esfera pública, cujo conceito e pressupostos apresentados nas obras daquele último são utilizados para a fixação das condicionantes indispensáveis à configuração democrática dos meios de comunicação social. De acordo com esses parâmetros o trabalho explora o regime constitucional da liberdade de expressão e da comunicação social e sua interpretação pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal a partir da decisão que declarou não recepcionada pela Constituição de 1988 a antiga lei de imprensa, abordando as mais recentes decisões da Corte que têm emprestado um caráter absoluto à liberdade de expressão segundo um amplíssimo conceito de censura, ao expurgar quase que por completo da apreciação judicial o produto da atividade midiática através de um padrão argumentativo ultraliberal e que ignora a estrutura desigual e concentrada dos instrumentos de exercício das liberdades comunicativas.

This thesis proposes to study the Freedom of Expression and Journalistic view with the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 and the hermeneutic foundation for harmonization of fundamental rights in a democratic society. To this end, we conducted a historical review, based on the modern constitutionalism associated with liberal thinking, comparing it to contemporary constitutionalism, for which matter the understanding of rights in its ethical and moral essence. Instead of an abstract entity protection, this is the political individual or the subject of rights, the contemporary constitutionalism aims to establish humanitarian valid parameters for all men regardless of race, color, sex, power, language, political opinion and belief. Sediment was also, according to the main idea of the fundamental right of freedom of expression by the expression of thought. We stand also that in addition to these essentially ethical character of freedom seen as guiding the Constitution of 1988, considering the purpose of social dignity and the set of targeted instruments to ensure a common dignified existence for all, in a society and to develop instrument in the pursuit of democratic, and thus promote equality, freedom and universality of the right given to the fundamental importance. It is necessary to clarify the changes occurred in the means of social communication in line with the fundamental rights whose mainspring freedom of expression and its consequences on the right to information, free expression of thought, corroborated with the ethical, moral and free factors of journalistic opinion symmetry in the Brazilian legal system. As well as argumentative way through the constitutional effectiveness of fundamental rights. Therefore the examination unfolds in the analysis about the autonomy of freedom of expression as a synonym for freedom of the press and see how personality rights are guaranteed due to non-transferability of those rights that are supported with the dignity of the human person. For ultimate and symmetry accusation of breach of fundamental precept 130 that made the press law unconstitutional to have its birth in a totalitarian regime guided by the critical analysis of the interpretation of trial of the Supreme Court, but precisely the incompatibility of higher diploma journalist for professional practice. We hope, in our conclusion, identify the places of legal science in which freedom of expression and journalistic opinion may have more weight. / A presente dissertação propõe estudar a Liberdade de Expressão e Opinião Jornalística com a Constituição Brasileira de 1988, bem como a fundamentação hermenêutica para uma harmonização dos direitos fundamentais numa sociedade democrática. Para tal, realizamos um resgate histórico, partindo do constitucionalismo moderno associado ao pensar liberal, comparando-o ao constitucionalismo contemporâneo, para o qual importa a compreensão dos direitos em sua essência ética e moral. No lugar da proteção de um ente abstrato, seja este o indivíduo político ou o sujeito de direitos, o constitucionalismo contemporâneo visa estabelecer parâmetros humanitários válidos para todos os homens independente de raça, cor, sexo, poder, língua, opinião política e crença. Sedimenta-se, também, na forma da ideia principal do direito fundamental da liberdade de expressão pela manifestação do pensamento. Defendemos também que, além desses caracteres essencialmente éticos da liberdade visto como norteador da Constituição de 1988, considerando o objetivo da dignidade social e o conjunto de instrumentos voltados para garantir uma existência digna comum a todos, em uma sociedade e que desenvolva instrumento na busca da democracia, e assim fomentar a igualdade, a liberdade e a universalidade do direito dado à importância fundamental. É mister esclarecer as mutações ocorridas nos meios da comunicação social alinhada aos direitos fundamentais que tem como mola propulsora a liberdade de expressão e suas consequências no direito à informação, na livre manifestação do pensamento, corroborado com os fatores éticos, morais e livres da opinião jornalística em simetria ao ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Como também de forma argumentativa através da eficácia constitucional dos direitos fundamentais. Por conseguinte o exame se desdobra na análise acerca da autonomia entre a liberdade de expressão como sinônimo da liberdade de imprensa e verificar como os direitos da personalidade são assegurados, devido a intransmissibilidade desses direitos que são respaldados com a dignidade da pessoa humana. Por derradeiro e em simetria com a Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental 130 que tornou a lei de imprensa inconstitucional por ter seu nascedouro num regime totalitário pautando-se pela análise crítica da interpretação de julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal, mas, precisamente a incompatibilidade do diploma superior de jornalista para o exercício profissional. Esperamos, em nossa conclusão, identificar os lugares da ciência jurídica nos quais a liberdade de expressão e a opinião jornalística possa ter mais peso.

The submitted diploma thesis provides an introduction into the topic of conflict of the personality rights of an individual with the freedom of expression of media and right to receive information of others. The emphasis is put on the Czech and European case law. Marginally is mentioned also the topic of new media, especially the latest case law of the European Court of Human Right on this matter. The diploma thesis is divided into introduction, conclusion and three chapters. The first chapter introduces the basic definitions and theoretical basics of the topic. The reader is acquainted with the concept of human personality and its components, with the concept of personality rights and their nature as well as with the possible infringements of these rights. The chapter also provides the definitions of media and new media. The second chapter focuses on the legal framework of the personality rights, freedom of expression and right to receive and impart information. The chapter first analyses the international legal framework with the focus on the European Convention on Human Rights and later it deals with provisions of the Czech civil code as well as provisions of the Czech media laws. The last section of this chapter analyses Czech as well as European legal provisions on liability of internet...

About two years after publishing so called Muhammad cartoons in Denmark, the Swedish regional newspaper Nerikes Allehanda in Orebro published an editorial on self-censorship. A drawing of Prophet Muhammad as a Roundabout dog, drawn by Lars Vilks, was illustrating the article. Publishing of Muhammad drawing was followed by reactions both in Sweden and in some other countries especially in the muslim world. There are many differences and similarities between the publishing in Denmark and Sweden. There are differences and similarities between the two cases even regarding to the reactions in muslim countries. Mass media have certainly played an important role in mediating information about the publishing to people in muslim countries. Which information and how they were mediated are significant for shaping perceptions and thereby the reactions that followed the publishing of Muhammad drawing in Sweden. This essay is investigating how newspapers and online newspapers (web newspapers) in nine muslim countries reported about the publishing of Muhammad drawing. The subjects that newspapers were interesting of and the discourses domination reporting are in focus for this investigation. This essay will also investigate how newspapers and online newspapers in muslim countries covered two issues which were well covered by Swedish media, A threat against Lars Vilks from organization "Islamic State in Iraq" and a statement from the Iranian president Ahmadinejad regarding the Muhammad drawing in Nerikes Allehanda.

Magister Legum - LLM / This mini-thesis is based on the presumption that the Danish cartoons and the anti-Muslim clip posted on YouTube as forms of expression, ridiculed the religious beliefs and practices of Muslims which in turn affected the exercise of religious freedom as it violated the dignity of the bearers of the right to freedom of religion and therefore a conflict between the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression exists. The above incidence of conflict between the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression involves infringing the freedom of religion of the Islamic community. Blasphemy in Islam is speech that is insulting to God, but during the course of Muslim history it has become increasingly linked with insult to the Prophet Muhammad. In Islam the depiction of the Prophet Muhammad in any way is strictly forbidden and is considered blasphemous.

Après plusieurs décennies de monopartisme, caractérisées par l’emprise des médias par l’État et le parti unique, les États africains subsahariens ont choisi la voie de la démocratie pluraliste, à l’issue des « forums » dits, conférences nationales souveraines des années 90. Ces États firent le choix des régimes libéraux avec comme garanties les libertés fondamentales. Parmi les libertés instaurées, il y a celle de la presse qui est au cœur de tout système démocratique. L’exercice de cette liberté doit être exempt d’abus. C’est ainsi que, pour éviter de tels actes dans l’exercice de la liberté de communication, les textes constitutionnel, législatif et réglementaire ont institué des autorités de régulation des médias. Ces autorités font partie du confort des démocraties africaines comme des institutions « singulières ». Elles sont des autorités administratives et indépendantes de l’ordre organique unique tiré des pouvoirs législatif, exécutif et judiciaire. Par ailleurs, mener une étude juridique sur ces autorités oblige à s’intéresser aux questions essentiellement d’ordre pratique notamment des autorités de régulation comme alibi du pouvoir ou protectrice des libertés. Ainsi, l’on se propose de confronter les fondements juridiques et les faits afin de porter une analyse critique globale et des propositions de réformes. / After decades of monopartism, which was characterized by the influence of the media by the state and the single party, Sub-Saharan African states have chosen the path of pluralistic democracy. It followed the national sovereign conferences in the 90s. These states made the choice of the liberal regime with fundamental freedoms as its guarantees. Freedom of the press, the heart of democracy, is among the recognized freedoms.The exercise of this freedom is to be free of abuse. Thus, to prevent such an abuse, constitutional, law-level and regulatory texts created authorities responsible for the regulation of media. These authorities are part of facilitating tools for the African democracies as "singular" institutions. They are administrative and independent of the unique organic order that flows from the legislative, executive and judicial branches of power. Moreover, to make a legal research on these authorities obliges to focus essentially on practical issues, including media regulatory authorities as an alibi of power or protection of freedoms. Therefore, the thesis is intended to explore the legal grounds and facts in order to make a global critical analysis and proposals for further reforms

L’avocat plaide à l’audience ou prend la parole en dehors du prétoire pour ladéfense d’un accusé qui a contrevenu aux lois essentielles d’une société. Face à lui un pouvoircentral qui a pour mission de punir celui qui a porté atteinte aux normes sociales et qui tentede protéger son autorité. L’avocat apparaît alors comme un contre-pouvoir qui remet en causeune prérogative régalienne, celle de punir. Ainsi, de 1789 à 1830, l’avocat attire la méfiancedes différentes formes de pouvoir qui se succèdent, mais aussi de l’opinion publique avide derépression. Malgré des circonstances peu favorables à la parole de l’avocat, ce dernierparvient à imposer la nécessité des droits de la défense et le respect des libertésfondamentales. Par son éloquence, l’avocat se révèle un acteur politique incontournable. Laliberté de sa parole se trouve alors au service de la défense mais participe aussi à l’élaborationd’une société plus démocratique. / The lawyer pleads in court or speaks outside the courtroom in defense of adefendant who broke the essential laws of society. He faces a central power whose mission isto punish the one who undermined the social norms and which intends to protect its authority.So the lawyer challenges the established authority and questions a kingly prerogative, the oneto punish. Thus from 1789 to 1830, the lawyer aroused the suspicion of the differentsuccessive forms of power, but also the public opinion’s, eager for repression. Despite theseunfavourable circumstances to the word of the lawyer, the latter managed to impose thenecessity of the rights of the defense and the respect of fundamental liberties. Thanks to hiseloquence, the lawyer turned out to be a main political stakeholder. The liberty of his wordwas then at the service of the defense but also partook in a more democratic society.

[pt] Atualmente, no direito brasileiro, a liberdade de expressão corre perigo e a censura judicial é exercida de diversas maneiras. Dentre elas, figura a condenação de jornalistas e demais cidadãos que, sob o pretexto de violação da honra das pessoas afetadas pela expressão do pensamento, se vêem obrigados ao pagamento de indenizações indevidas e excessivas mesmo quando em debate assuntos de interesse público. As pessoas afetadas, geralmente políticos, empresários e outros poderosos, se valem do poder judiciário para silenciar o pensamento e gerar autocensura. O Superior Tribunal de Justiça convalida este meio indevido de restrição da liberdade de expressão na medida em que adota, em sua jurisprudência, um critério de posição preferencial da honra quando em conflito com a liberdade de expressão. Esta tese busca uma solução para este problema. A doutrina da malícia real, desenvolvida no direito norte-americano a partir do julgamento do caso New York Times v. Sullivan pela Suprema Corte em 1964, consiste em poderoso mecanismo de proteção da liberdade de expressão nos Estados Unidos, conferindo a ela a posição preferencial quando em questão assuntos de interesse público. A partir da análise da doutrina da malícia real, seus critérios deproteção da liberdade de expressão foram identificados e transpostos para um sistemaromano-germânico de responsabilidade civil como o brasileiro. A tese propõe uma reforma legal no direito brasileiro, apresentando um anteprojeto de lei da proteção da liberdade de expressão elaborado com base na doutrina da malícia real. A tese também convoca o Supremo Tribunal Federal a exercer o seu papel de guardião das normas constitucionais de proteção da liberdade de expressão e sugere, por fim, que todos os juízes e tribunais brasileiros considerem a adoção dos critérios de proteção da liberdade de expressão elaborados pela jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. / [en] Nowadays, in the Brazilian legal system, freedom of expression is in danger and judicial censorship is imposed in many different ways. Among them, the presumed and punitive damages awarded over journalists and other citizens for violating someone s reputation on the basis of mere negligence even when speech about public affairs is at stake. Powerful people, politicians, and corporations go to court to silence the criticism and generate self-censorship. The Brazilian Superior Court of Justice does not oppose this restriction on freedom of expression as far as its jurisprudence assumes that reputation has a preferred position in the Brazilian law. This dissertation seeks a solution for that issue. The real malice doctrine, construed in the American law since the Supreme Court s ruling in New York Times v. Sullivan in 1964, is a powerful device to protect the freedom of expression in the United States, granting the speech a preferred position when public measures are at stake. The dissertation tries to identify the tools and mechanisms adopted by the real malice doctrine and make them work in a civil law jurisdiction as the Brazilian legal system. It proposes a legal reform in the Brazilian law by submitting a new statute containing legal rules to protect the freedom of expression based on the real malice doctrine. The thesis also exhorts the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court to exercise its constitutional powers to grant effective protection to the freedom of expression and makes to all Brazilian judges and courts a suggestion to consider the adoption of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights jurisprudence on freedom of speech, and of the press.

L'éducation d'aujourd'hui en Chine est une oeuvre tant individuelle qu'étatique. Elle rattache strictement le développement de l'individu et l'avenir de l'État. Après une trentaine années du développement depuis la politique d'ouverture et de réforme en 1978, le système éducatif chinois est modernisé et complété. L'État, débiteur du droit à l'éducation, prend enfin en charge son devoir d'organiser l'enseignement public et de surveiller l'enseignement privé, ce dernier étant auparavant interdit dans l'histoire chinoise. L'enseigné chinois bénéficient alors le droit à l'éducation et la liberté d'enseignement. Pour autant, dans la notion de communauté éducative qui se construit, les enseignants-chercheurs apparaissent aussi indispensables pour réaliser les missions de l'éducation. Comment garantir leurs droits et libertés dans leurs vies professionnelles ? C'est une question aussi primordiale. L'indépendance de leur statut, par rapport à l'établissement d'enseignement et aux autres administrations est sans aucune doute une garantie importante. Les enseignants chinois, disposent-ils d'un tel statut ? Et, dans leurs activités d'enseignement et de recherche, jouissent-ils pleinement de la liberté d'expression ? Si ces droits et libertés de l'éducation ne sont pas encore protégés de manière parfaite, c'est parce que la Chine peine à construire un État de droit et une société démocratique. L'adoption d'une législation suffisante et cohérente est un atout considérable dans ce processus de développement. Quelles mesures doit-on prendre pour mettre un terme aux sources de désordre, et, trop souvent d'inégalité ? / Today's education in China is an individual as well as a State's undertaking. It combines the strictly individual development and the future of the State. After thirty years of development since the opening and reform policy in 1978, China's education system was modernized and expanded. The State, as a debtor of the right to education, finally takes charge of this duty to organize public education and supervise private education, previously banned in Chinese history. People taught in China got right to education and freedom of education. However, to achieve this notion of educational community, the teachers and/or researchers must be mainly associated in performing this broad function of education. How to ensure their rights and freedoms in their career? It is also a key issue. Undoubtedly, independence of their professional status with respect to the institution and to other jurisdictions is a fundamental guarantee. Do Chinese teachers have such a status? And, in their teaching and researching activities, have they a complete freedom of expression? If these rights and freedoms of education are not yet fully protected, China struggling to find common ground between rule of law and democratic society, adoption of an adequate and consistent legislation will be a major asset to identify a real development process. What measures need to be taken to put an end to educational disorders, and, too often, inequalities?