[pt] O debate argumentativo na sociedade antecede e renova o espírito vinculante das cartas constitucionais. A busca por uma fundamentação da normatividade dos princípios constitucionais requer, mais do que o peso que se pretende atribuir ao papel da jurisdição constitucional, que se identifique a relevância da deliberação democrática no processo de formação do sentimento constitucional pelos cidadãos da polis, que são, ao mesmo tempo, destinatários e agentes criadores das diretrizes políticas fundamentais. A maior contribuição dos estudos elaborados em torno da democracia deliberativa reside, pois, na percepção da inestimável relevância das relações intersubjetivas entre os membros da comunidade durante o processo político, o conhecimento de suas dificuldades e limites, assim como a verificação de seus méritos. Neste rumo, é oferecido um vasto campo favorável à aproximação entre as teses contrapostas dos liberais e republicanos, tornando possível a coexistência teórica e prática entre a realização efetiva da soberania popular e a proteção dos direitos fundamentais, tendo sempre em vista a supremacia da dignidade humana, como elemento informador e balizador de todas as atividades ínsitas à vida em sociedade. / [en] The argumentative debate inside society antecedes and renews the bonding force of the constitutional charts. The search for a justification of fundamental rights and principles requires, more than the weight that one might wish to attribute to the role of constitutional jurisdiction, that the relevance of democratic deliberation be taken into account in the process of the formation of a constitutional feeling by the people of the polis, which are at the same time addressees and creators of the fundamental political directives. The most important contribution of recent studies concerning deliberative democracy reside, in fact, in the perception of the utmost relevance of the intersubjective relations between all members of the affected community during the political process, the knowledge of its difficulties and limits, as well as the verification of its merits. In this direction, a vast field is offered for the convergence between opposed theories such as those of liberals and republicans, paving the way for the effective application of popular sovereignty and human rights protection, while considering the supremacy of the value of human dignity as the informative and orientative standard of all activities inherent to life in society.

本文主要以探討自由權利在我國憲法上所處之角色、地位及其內容，而從自由觀念的演變，導引出法治國家的基本理論，並配合聯邦憲法的行憲經驗及我國實務運作的情形，來相互檢證以了解自由權真正的保障意義。故在章節安排上，第一章先界定自由權的涵意。第二章則比較東西方與中山先生自由觀的不同。第三章說明分析相關的理論基礎。第四章探究現行憲法的相關規定。第五章則從比較法上了解美國自由權的保障的規定。第六章以我國實務運行的成果為研究對象。第七章則將前述綜合分析，提出一研究發現與建議。總而言之，我國憲法保障自由權的規定相當完備，至於如何落實則仍須再加強，如此保障制度的設計才能有意義。

Le présent mémoire se penche sur la constitutionnalité des articles 517 et 539 C.cr., qui prévoient des ordonnances de non-publication à l'enquête sur mise en liberté provisoire ainsi qu'à l'enquête préliminaire. L'auteur présente d'abord les modalités d'application de chacune de ces ordonnances. Suit ensuite un portrait de la jurisprudence sur la constitutionnalité de ces deux dispositions. L'auteur applique par la suite aux dispositions le test élaboré dans l'arrêt Oakes. Il conclut que l'objectif des dispositions, qui consiste à assurer un procès équitable à l'accusé, est urgent et réel. L'auteur constate ensuite que le critère du lien rationnel n'est pas satisfait puisque, ordonnance ou pas, les informations préjudiciables pour un accusé seront de toute façon dispersées dans le public, notamment grâce aux nouvelles technologies de l'information. À défaut de profiter d'informations fiables retransmises par les médias, le public devra se concentrer sur les rumeurs non vérifiables propagées par le Web. Le critère de l'atteinte minimale est également examiné. L'auteur estime que ni les récusations motivées, ni le changement de venue, ni les directives aux jurés ne sont en mesure de remplacer des ordonnances de non-publication. Enfin, l'auteur estime que les articles 517 et 539 C.cr. échouent le critère de proportionnalité entre les effets préjudiciables et les effets bénéfiques. En conclusion, comme alternative aux interdits de publication, l'auteur propose une réforme du processus de récusations motivées. / This thesis examines the constitutionality of sections 517 et 539 of the Criminal Code, which permits the judge presiding over a bail hearing or a preliminary inquiry to impose a publication ban. The author explains the way these bans are applied. He then reviews the existing case law regarding the constitutionality of these sections of the Criminal Code. In the second part of his thesis, the author applies the Oakes test to both sections. He first deals with the contextual factors to be considered in the analysis. He then examines the objective of the sections, which is to protect the right of the accused to a fair trial. He concludes that this objective is pressing and substantial. On the other hand, the rational connection test is not satisfied, because even with a ban, the prejudicial information will still be transmitted to the public through new technologies such as the Internet. If no information is allowed to be published by the journalists, the public will have to rely solely on rumours and possibly false news circulating on the Web. The minimal impairment test is also examined. Neither challenge for cause, nor change of venue or judicial instructions can replace effectively publication bans. Applying the last part of the Oakes test, the author fails to find that the deleterious effects of publication bans are proportionate to their salutary effects. In conclusion, the author briefly proposes a reform of the challenge for cause process.

Recent attacks on media freedom in South Africa, that includes the ruling ANC party’s proposal for statutory regulation of the press, have seen press self-regulation fiercely contested and the ombudsman of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA) defending the press’ constitutional right to freedom of expression. Extensive arguments have been made by government, the public and the press for other forms of press regulation, such as statutory and independent co-regulation. In addition no accurate, detailed trends arising from complaints the ombudsman has dealt with in recent years, have been freely available on which arguments in such a debate could be based. This research analyses the complaints dealt with by the press ombudsman in recent years in order to evaluate the present self-regulatory system, which is based primarily on the theories of freedom of expression and social responsibility of the press. The analyses involves determining what trends exist in complaints cases that the ombudsman, Joe Thloloe, has dealt with since he took office in August 2007, until August 2011 when a Review of his office was published by the PCSA. The study takes a qualitative approach, with some degree of quantification, and utilises document analysis and qualitative content analysis as data collection methods to analyse 593 cases, with specific focus on government complaints which form 15% of all cases analysed. The findings reflect that the ombudsman’s approach in dealing with complaints was fair, that he displayed intolerance for transgressions and that his rulings were free of any obvious bias. This is evident in, amongst other findings, the very few appeals lodged against his rulings and even less successful appeals. In addition the press often voluntarily corrected their mistakes before prompted by the ombudsman. The findings also dispel some of the ANC’s criticisms that have led to its calls for statutory press regulation, such as the public and government’s acceptance of the self-regulation system, complaints from government largely having involved accuracy and not privacy as the ANC claimed, and that government’s failure to sign the legal waiver often resulted in cases being dismissed. The findings also point to a significant increase in complaints, specifically from government, in the year 2010, which is the year in which the ANC renewed its calls for statutory regulation. This does not necessarily reflect a sudden decline in the quality of journalism but rather indicates that the ruling party differed fundamentally in its philosophical thinking regarding the press, which was perhaps informed by a developmental model of the press rather than the social responsibility model on which the present system is based. In this sense the government sees it fit to interfere or censor the press if it feels the system is not performing. The findings show the ombudsman’s office lacked proper record-keeping from which accurate statistics could be derived, leaving a gap for criticism against the ombudsman. In addition, most often complaints against newspapers involved accuracy and fairness (such as not asking for comment). As is evident in several complaints falling outside the ombudsman’s mandate and the high number of dismissed cases, the findings also point to a lack of awareness or information of the system and of the ombudsman’s roles. In light of the theoretical frameworks that set out how the self-regulation system, which is entrenched in the notion of press freedom, can enhance the cause of press freedom by its ombudsman enforcing a socially responsible Press Code, the findings ultimately lead to the conclusion that the ombudsman’s work has advanced the cause of press freedom in South Africa during the research period. / Thesis (MA (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Recent attacks on media freedom in South Africa, that includes the ruling ANC party’s proposal for statutory regulation of the press, have seen press self-regulation fiercely contested and the ombudsman of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA) defending the press’ constitutional right to freedom of expression. Extensive arguments have been made by government, the public and the press for other forms of press regulation, such as statutory and independent co-regulation. In addition no accurate, detailed trends arising from complaints the ombudsman has dealt with in recent years, have been freely available on which arguments in such a debate could be based. This research analyses the complaints dealt with by the press ombudsman in recent years in order to evaluate the present self-regulatory system, which is based primarily on the theories of freedom of expression and social responsibility of the press. The analyses involves determining what trends exist in complaints cases that the ombudsman, Joe Thloloe, has dealt with since he took office in August 2007, until August 2011 when a Review of his office was published by the PCSA. The study takes a qualitative approach, with some degree of quantification, and utilises document analysis and qualitative content analysis as data collection methods to analyse 593 cases, with specific focus on government complaints which form 15% of all cases analysed. The findings reflect that the ombudsman’s approach in dealing with complaints was fair, that he displayed intolerance for transgressions and that his rulings were free of any obvious bias. This is evident in, amongst other findings, the very few appeals lodged against his rulings and even less successful appeals. In addition the press often voluntarily corrected their mistakes before prompted by the ombudsman. The findings also dispel some of the ANC’s criticisms that have led to its calls for statutory press regulation, such as the public and government’s acceptance of the self-regulation system, complaints from government largely having involved accuracy and not privacy as the ANC claimed, and that government’s failure to sign the legal waiver often resulted in cases being dismissed. The findings also point to a significant increase in complaints, specifically from government, in the year 2010, which is the year in which the ANC renewed its calls for statutory regulation. This does not necessarily reflect a sudden decline in the quality of journalism but rather indicates that the ruling party differed fundamentally in its philosophical thinking regarding the press, which was perhaps informed by a developmental model of the press rather than the social responsibility model on which the present system is based. In this sense the government sees it fit to interfere or censor the press if it feels the system is not performing. The findings show the ombudsman’s office lacked proper record-keeping from which accurate statistics could be derived, leaving a gap for criticism against the ombudsman. In addition, most often complaints against newspapers involved accuracy and fairness (such as not asking for comment). As is evident in several complaints falling outside the ombudsman’s mandate and the high number of dismissed cases, the findings also point to a lack of awareness or information of the system and of the ombudsman’s roles. In light of the theoretical frameworks that set out how the self-regulation system, which is entrenched in the notion of press freedom, can enhance the cause of press freedom by its ombudsman enforcing a socially responsible Press Code, the findings ultimately lead to the conclusion that the ombudsman’s work has advanced the cause of press freedom in South Africa during the research period. / Thesis (MA (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

L’Indonésie reconnait la liberté d’expression depuis 1945 ou trois ans avant l’adoption de la DUDH par l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU. Malgré cela, la protection au droit de la liberté d’expression est présente réellement à la société depuis 1999 ou quelques mois après la période de la réforme nationale contre le régime autoritaire du nouvel ordre du Président Suharto. Les articles 19 de DUDH et du pacte ont été ratifiés par le gouvernement indonésien à travers la loi numéro 15 de 2005. Pour l’Indonésie, la liberté d’expression consiste en la liberté de rechercher, de recevoir, et de diffuser des informations et des idées. Cependant, la conception de la liberté d’expression en Indonésie possède ses propres spécificités par rapport à d’autre pays. La particularité de la liberté d’expression en Indonésie est influencée par l’idéologie du pays, le « Pancasila », et par l’esprit de l’archipel indonésien le « Bhineka Tunggal Ika » (unité dans la diversité). D’autres éléments importants de l’exceptionnalité indonésienne sont les valeurs nationales : les valeurs de la religion, les valeurs des cultures et le droit de coutume. Les limites à la liberté d’expression en Indonésie sont également influencées par ces trois éléments. Le gouvernement indonésien est face à deux principes importants : le droit international et les normes locales. Le travail le plus délicat qui revient au gouvernement indonésien est de concilier les instruments internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’homme et les valeurs nationales qui sont vues comme les éléments essentiels du pays. Il convient de donner un raisonnement aux pays à l’origine de la pression internationale / Indonesia has recognized freedom of expression since 1945 or three years before the adoption of the UDHR by the UN General Assembly. In spite of this, the protection to the right of the freedom of expression is really present to the society since 1999 or some months after the period of the National reform against the authoritarian regime of the New Order of President Suharto. Articles 19 of the UDHR and the covenant are the cornerstones of freedom of expression. They have been ratified by the Indonesian government through law number 15 of 2005. For Indonesia, freedom of expression is the freedom to seek, receive, and disseminate information and ideas. However, the concept of freedom of expression in Indonesia has its own specificities compared to other countries. The particularity of freedom of expression in Indonesia is influenced by the country's ideology: « Pancasila » and by the Indonesian archipelago « Bhineka Tunggal Ika » (unity in diversity). Other important elements of Indonesian exceptionality are national values: the values of religion, the values of cultures and the right of custom. The limits to freedom of expression in Indonesia are also influenced by these three elements. International legal instruments also possess binding capacity. The international standard cannot be neglected. The Indonesian government faces two important principles: international law and local standards. The most delicate task for the Indonesian government is to reconcile the international human rights instruments with the national values that are seen as the essential elements of the country. Reasoning should be given to the countries at the origin of international pressure

This study was conducted to identify and analyse Mail and Guardian Online moderation outputs which contradicted the platform‟s own stated policy on hate speech and other forms of problematic speech. The moderation outputs considered were a battery of readers‟ comments that were posted in response to Thought Leader blogs on xenophobia published between May and June, 2008. This was the same period a series of xenophobic attacks was taking place in some parts of South Africa, leaving an estimated 62 people dead, more than 30,000 displaced, and countless victims injured and robbed of their property. The attacks were a catalytic moment that enabled a whole range of discursive positions to be articulated, defended, contested and given form in the media. They also made visible the potential tensions between free speech on the one hand, and hate and other problematic speech on the other. Using qualitative methods of thematic content analysis, document review, individual interviews, and an eclectic approach of framing analysis and rhetorical argumentation, this study found instances of divergence between the M&G policy and practice on User Generated Content. It found that some moderator-approved content advocated hate, hatred, hostility, incitement to violence and/or harm, and unfair discrimination against foreign residents, contrary to the M&G policy which is informed by the constitutional provisions in both section 16 of the Bill of Rights and section 10 of the Equality Act. Based on examples in the readers‟ comments of how „the foreigner‟ was made to signify unemployment, poverty, disease, unfair competition, and all manner of deprivation, and bearing in mind how such individuals have also become a site for the violent convergence of different unresolved tensions in the country, the study‟s findings argue that the M&G – a progressive paper dealing with a potentially xenophobic readership (at least a portion of it) – should have implemented its policy on acceptable speech more effectively. The study also argues that the unjustifiable reference to foreigners as makwerekwere, illegals, illegal aliens, parasites, invaders and border jumpers, among other terms, assigned them a diminished place – that of unwanted foreigner – thereby reproducing the order of discourse that utilises nationality as a space for the expurgation of the „other‟. The study argues that the use of bogus (inflated) immigration statistics and repeated reference to the foreigners‟ supposedly parasitic relationship to the country‟s resources also unfairly constructed them as the „threatening other‟ and potentially justified action against them.

[pt] O Supremo Tribunal Federal decidiu, na ADI n. 4815, que a publicação de biografias poderia ocorrer independentemente da autorização das pessoas retratadas, sob a alegação de que o direito à liberdade de expressão teria uma posição preferencial face aos direitos existenciais em risco, tais como a honra, a imagem e a privacidade, mesmo reconhecendo a existência e importância de tais direitos que, para o STF, só poderiam ser reclamados, via responsabilidade civil, depois da publicação. No entanto, como se demonstrará, a cláusula geral de tutela da pessoa humana, que engloba os direitos existenciais mencionados, e se externa a partir do princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, não pode estar em posição inferior ao direito à liberdade de expressão, principalmente em razão de o princípio ter sido considerado, pelo constituinte de 1988, como um dos fundamentos da República. Deste modo, os direitos existenciais devem ser observados em compatibilidade com a relevância que o princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana ocupa na Constituição da República. Em consequência, ao biografado deve ser dada a possibilidade e a oportunidade de preservar seus direitos subjetivos existenciais, em especial as informações de caráter íntimo que, se reveladas, causarão constrangimento e eventual discriminação. Desta forma, o direito à privacidade como autodeterminação informativa permite que o biografado deva ter o controle sobre as informações que estão sendo recolhidas e que serão disponibilizadas aos leitores e esse controle só será possível se biografado for comunicado previamente a publicação da história de sua vida. Assim ele poderá acessar o Poder Judiciário e evitar que uma ameaça de lesão se torne uma efetiva lesão à sua dignidade. / [en] The Brazilian Supreme Court ruled in ADI No. 4815 that the publication of biographies could occur independently of the authorization of the persons portrayed, on the grounds that the right to freedom of expression would have a preferential position vis-à-vis the existential rights at risk, such as honor, image and privacy. Even though the Supreme Federal Court recognized the existence and importance of such rights, it could only be claimed, via civil liability, after the publication of the biography. However, as will be shown, the general clause of protection of the human person, which encompasses the existential rights mentioned, and is extracted from the principle of the human dignity, cannot be in an inferior position when comparing to the right to freedom of speech, especially because the principle was regarded by the 1988 constituent as one of the foundations of the Republic. In this way, existential rights must be observed in compatibility with the relevance that the principle of the human dignity occupies in the Constitution of the Republic. Consequently, to the biography subject must be given the possibility and opportunity to preserve his existential subjective rights, especially related to the publishing of intimate information that, if revealed, will cause embarrassment and eventual discrimination. Thus, the right to privacy as informative self-determination allows the biography subject to have control over the information that is being collected and will be made available to readers and this control will only be possible if the biography subject is communicated before the publication of the story of his life. Thus, he can access the Judiciary and prevent a threat of injury from becoming an effective injury to his dignity.

Apesar de ser considerada há muito tempo e por inúmeras nações e organizações internacionais como um valor fundamental, a liberdade de expressão é, até hoje, objeto de muitas incertezas e indefinições, especialmente quanto à sua aplicação prática em um cenário em que outros direitos e valores constitucionais estão envolvidos. O presente estudo parte da análise da estrutura do ato comunicativo, especificamente da análise da identidade dos sujeitos da comunicação, do fator temporal e do conteúdo ou mensagem, para aferir se a valoração jurídica da expressão do pensamento é condicionada por esses elementos. A partir disso, o presente trabalho propõe critérios para que a interpretação e a aplicação da liberdade de expressão sejam imbuídas de segurança jurídica, de modo a garantir própria efetividade dessa liberdade que se configura como um valor tão caro às sociedades democráticas. / Despite being considered as a fundamental value for several centuries and by many nations and international organizations, freedom of speech is, until present time, the object of much uncertainty, especially regarding its practical application when other rights and constitutional values are involved. The present study analyses the structure of the communicative act, specifically the identity of interlocutors, the time factor and the content or message, to assess if the legal value of the expression of thought is conditioned by these elements. From that, the present work proposes criteria to a rational and secure interpretation and application of freedom of speech, so as to guarantee the effectiveness itself of this liberty, that is so dear to democratic societies.

Projektet bygger på åtta veckors fältarbete på en oberoende teater i Peking våren 2017,baserat på antropologisk och konstnärlig metod. Det är ett försök att utveckla begreppet konstnärlig etnografi, samt tillämpa det praktiskt. I detta är konsten inte huvudsakligen en produkt eller en presentationsform, utan ett sätt att tänka, att förhålla sig till världen. Materialet består av fältanteckningar, video, foto, rörelsematerial, personliga berättelser, minnen av dofter, ljud och smaker och någonting så vagt som stämning – stadens tempo, känslan i en repsituation… Hur kan scenen förmedla en plats och dess människor? Kan jag levandegöra mina upplevelser så att de blir angelägna för någon annan än mig själv? Det praktiska arbetet utgör ett försök att besvara dessa frågor. Vilka bilder har vi, och vad ser vi när vi speglar oss i varandra? Vad betyder det att våra världar redan är sammanflätade? Spegeln som bild och lek, träder fram både som tema och metod. Begrepp som exotism, representation och mötet med den andre diskuteras, liksom växlingen mellan identifikation och främmandegörande (”othering”) som en grund för förståelse. Hur påverkas människors liv av Kinas snabba samhällsförändringar, balansgången mellan socialism och kapitalism? Och vilken roll har scenkonsten i detta? Här diskuteras frågor om yttrandefrihet, liksom relationen mellan politik och spelstil, så kallad ”fejk realism”. Frågorna knyts samman genom en diskussion om autenticitet, följd av en betraktelse om utanförskap, för att slutligen återvända till det personliga mötet, till en berättelse om kontaktsökande – om vänskap. / This project is based on eight weeks of fieldwork at an independent theatre in Beijing in the spring of 2017, based on anthropological and artistic methods. It is an attempt to develop the concept artistic ethnography, and apply it practically. In this, art is seen not mainly as a product or a form of presentation, but as a way of thinking, of relating to the world. The material consists of field notes, video, pictures, movement material, personal stories, the memories of smells, sounds and tastes and of something as vague as atmosphere – the pace of the city, the feeling of a rehearsal situation... How can the stage render a place and its people? Can I bring my experiences to life, making them relevant for anybody else? The practical artistic work with an exposition is an attempt to answer these questions. What images do we have, and what do we see when we mirror each other? What does it mean that our worlds are already intertwined? The mirror as image and play appear both as a theme and a method. Concepts like exoticism, representation and the encounter with the other are discussed, as well as the movement between identification and othering, contributing to understanding. How are people’s lives affected by China’s rapid social changes, balancing between socialism and capitalism? What role do the performing arts have in this? Questions about freedom of expression are discussed, along with the relation between politics and styles of acting, the so called “fake realism”. The research questions are tied together in a discussion of authenticity, to finally return to the personal encounter and a story of seeking contact, of friendship. / <p>Sinnlig - the movie finns länkad dels i dokumentet och dels som egen fil</p> / Movit –Direction and Dramaturgy of movement based Performing Arts