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The most common approach to examining gender equality in organizations is through quantitative measures, which can miss important aspects of gender equality. This study analyzes Sweden's most gender equal organization according to Nyckeltalsinstitutet to see if the experience of gender equality reflects the organization's good quantitative measures. Based on previous research in the field of gender equality, we assume the working hypothesis that women in organizations are generally treated as the subordinate gender. The study consists of a survey and four semi structured interviews with employees at Sveriges Radio. The questions we aim to answer with the study are: (1) Do experiences of inequality exist in Sweden's most gender equal organization? and (2) does the experience reflect the good quantitative measures of gender equality within the organization? Our working hypothesis is supported by the results of the study. The main conclusion is that there are experiences of inequality within the organization and that experiences of gender discrimination and an unequal work environment do not necessarily reflect the good quantitative measures of gender equality. All relevant aspects of gender equality are therefore not captured by quantitative measures.

This paper examines to what extent gender equality correlates with electoral violence, through a quantitative study of 220 elections that have taken place in sub-Saharan African countries between 1990 and 2008. As such, it has a two-folded purpose. First, to contribute empirically to research about the causes of electoral violence by introducing a new variable. Second, to put to test previous research that argues in favour of a correlation between gender equality and peace. Accordingly, this paper hypothesises that higher levels of gender equality correlate with lower levels of electoral violence. In support of previous research, an initial bivariate regression demonstrates a strong negative relationship between the two variables of interest. The association is only slightly weakened in the sequencing multivariate regression, when controlling for democracy, ethnic fractionalisation, majoritarian electoral systems, GDP per capita, whether an incumbent is running for office, ongoing civil war, and whether the election is the first to take place after a war. The main finding of this thesis is that there is a robust negative correlation between gender equality and electoral violence, which is affected by other variables but not dependent on them.

The concept of co-optation offers vocabulary to discuss how concerns and demands of feminist movements are transformed on their way to, and within, mainstream organizations and policymaking. However, applications of this concept can have problematic implications, failing to grasp the complexity of social change efforts and contributing to divisions, rather than alliances, between different groups that work and fight for gender equality. This article argues that conceptual tools from organizational institutionalism can help to avoid these pitfalls by capturing the ambivalence of organizational change initiatives, and allowing us to identify not only counterintentional effects, but also subtle and unexpected opportunities of organizational gender equality work. I illustrate my arguments with empirical examples from research on gender equality work in Austrian universities.

Our purpose with this essay is to find explanations to the genesis of the Swedish law against prostitution now in power, known as Sexköpslagen 1998:408. We enter deeply into the official reports behind the law. This Swedish law implies that in a sex trade a crime is committed only by the consumer, and not by the seller. Our essay will result in an analysis of what sexköpslagen is an expression for. Our assumption is that the so called ideology of (gender) equality in Sweden might be a part of the explanation to the genesis of sexköpslagen. The question at issue, which we will try to give an answer to is: Why was a prohibition against buying sexual services introduced in Sweden? To be able to study the unique law we will make some international comparisons in order to relate the Swedish law to other countries’ regulations. The method of our essay is to analysis material that mainly consists of official reports and preparatory to the law. The process to the Swedish law was complicated and protracted. Political discussions about a criminalization began in the 1970 but it would take thirty years before the law was applied. Of crucial importance to the law now in power was the women union of the social democracy party. In order to meet the aim of our essay we analyze our material with the theory of the Swedish women movements and how they put the question of equality on the political agenda. Our conclusion is that prostitution is considered to be an expression for lack of (gender) equality.