This research explores culture-led regeneration; specifically, how and why small, community-based culture-led regeneration projects potentially affect their respective communities. Methodology is founded on an in-depth case study of The Edge Artist Village in Winnipeg, supported by a literature review, quantitative research examining property values, and archival research. The practicum shows that The Edge Artist Village has had a tremendous impact on the community of North Main Street. While various stakeholders interpreted The Edge‘s impact in different ways, perceptions of safety in the community have improved, and long vacant buildings in the neighbourhood are finding new tenants. This study makes recommendations as to how planners can potentially play a role in encouraging culture-led regeneration projects such as The Edge Artist Village, and suggests ways in which private developers and municipal government can collaborate more effectively to support their communities.

This thesis begins by presenting a case study of Vancouver’s Yaletown neighbourhood, and the implementation there of a crime prevention program utilizing the built environment. This case study is then analyzed theoretically to make the argument that the city is a valid site for engaging with politics. This argument is made through the spatial theory of Henri Lefebvre, particularly his idea of a visual logic that is privileged in architecture and urbanism. I argue that if this is the case, then how the city is imagined is privileged over how it is experienced. This way of conceiving and experiencing the city, when combined with modern technology, has important consequences for how interactions occur in built environments that are designed to control. Finally, I contend that disrupting dominant ways of producing and imagining the city allows us to recognize and appreciate the diversity that is politically and socially important in cities.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att identifiera hur diskursen om gentrifiering framställs i tidningsmedier, där Södermalm i Stockholm figurerar som ett idealtypiskt exempel på en plats som anses ha gentrifierats. Studien har utförts genom tillämpandet av kritisk diskursanalys via Faircloughs riktlinjer, samt ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av sociologiska teorier angående urbanitet och social stigmatisering. Här tillämpas Georg Simmels och Pierre Bourdieus teorier som stadsliv, habitus och kulturellt kapital, Norbert Elias syn på etablerade och outsiders samt David Harveys formulering om rätten till staden. Analysen består av tio tidningsartiklar publicerade i tidningarna Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens nyheter, Metro, Mitt i Södermalm och Svenska Dagbladet. Resultatet indikerar att gentrifiering först och främst anses som en form av klassrelaterad urbaniseringsprocess, som tar form i utförsäljning av hyresbostäder, skapandet av en ny medelklass, och populärkulturella trender. Resultatet indikerar även att det inte finns någon homogen förståelse för huruvida gentrifiering är någonting negativt eller positivt i sig. Dock finns det en klar förståelse om att stadsdelens ekonomiska utveckling har förändrat platsen som sådan, vilket bemöts med blandad respons. / The purpose of this essay is to identify how the discourse about gentrification is produced in Swedish newspapers, where Södermalm in Stockholm is a typical example of a place that is considered to be gentrified. The study was conducted through critical discourse analysis, using Faircloughs guidelines and a theoretical framework consisting of sociological theories on urbanity and social stigmatization. The essay applies Georg Simmel’s and Pierre Bourdieu's theories on city life, habitus and cultural capital, Norbert Elias's view of established and outsiders and David Harvey's formulation of the right to the city. The analysis consists of ten newspaper articles published in the Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter, Metro, Mitt i Södermalm, and Svenska Dagbladet. The results indicate that gentrification is seen as a class-related urbanization process which takes shape through sales of rental units, the creation of a new middle class and popular cultural trends. The results also indicate that there is no uniform understanding of whether gentrification is negative or positive. Nevertheless there is an understanding that the district's economic change has altered the site, which is met with mixed responses.

Thesis (M. Arch.)--Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 58-61). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Political Science, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.Hous.M.)--University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.

Zugl.: Hamburg, Universiẗat, Habil.-Schr., 2005.

Since 2000, gentrification has accelerated in many U.S. metropolitan areas. Nearly 20 percent of US cities have experienced this phenomenon. It has been the cause of painful conflicts in many American cities, often along racial and economic fault lines. Neighborhood change is often viewed as a miscarriage of social justice, in which wealthy, usually white, newcomers are congratulated for "improving" a neighborhood whose poor, while minority residents are displaced by skyrocketing rents and economic change. Though, there hasn’t been much agreement on the causes of gentrification, the government is often blamed for its policy decisions made in regards to urban revitalization. This paper examines the extent to which gentrification in four U.S. metropolitan areas, Washington D.C., Portland, Minneapolis and Philadelphia is associated with local government urban revitalization policies. In my study, I examine the neighborhoods that were affected by government revitalization efforts. Then I analyze data from the U.S. Census Bureau comparing the neighborhoods that gentrified with those that didn’t using a set of gentrification criteria. The results suggest that government policies is not the main driving force behind gentrification. In addition, these policies do not significantly improve conditions in non-gentrified tracts. Overall, neighborhoods that experienced gentrification experience tremendous neighborhood improvements.

The aim of this paper is to study the potential discourse has to alter the way that gentrification transforms neighbourhoods. In order to gather the knowledge necessary to answer that question this study has focused its attention on Crown Heights, a neighbourhood in Brooklyn, New York. It explores how resistance in the form of urban social movements were a factor in the Bedford Union Armory project, where several protests and discourse used over social media had arguably a large role in changing the scope of that project to be more inclusive and attend in a greater way to the needs of the local residents. The second focal point of this paper is to study the discourse used by local newspapers when articles are written about gentrification in Crown Heights. It aims to highlight the difference in the language used by employing a critical discourse analysis where the metaphors and the transitivity used by the authors is studied. The differences between the articles can in some places be regarded as quite stark, where that specific discourse is most likely used to reinforce their own world view.

L’élection du socialiste Bertrand Delanoë en 2001 à la mairie de Paris marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire de la capitale : Paris n’est plus le bastion du conservatisme qu’elle fut au XXe siècle. Dans le même temps, la ville connaît de profonds bouleversements sociologiques et démographiques : elle cesse de perdre des habitants, rajeunit et s’embourgeoise.L’analyse géopolitique s’avère féconde pour analyser ces mutations inédites. En effet, depuis 1977, le pouvoir municipal parisien, qui représente une position de pouvoir unique en France, est l’objet d’intenses rivalités. Longtemps ignorées dans le champ de la géographie et des sciences politiques, celles-ci constituent, pourtant, un facteur explicatif essentiel des dynamiques politiques et urbaines. Cette thèse ambitionne de les analyser. Elle s’appuie à la fois sur un riche corpus de données électorales, et sur des enquêtes de terrain menées dans l’Est parisien et dans le 16e arrondissement.Dans un premier temps, cette thèse montre que l’alternance politique de 2001 ne résulte pas de clefs d’analyse simples : le mouvement de gentrification, les divisions de la droite parisienne ou le contexte politique national. Elle analyse les stratégies territorialisées des acteurs politiques qui constituent de puissants systèmes géopolitiques locaux.Dans un second temps, cette thèse met en valeur les enjeux géopolitiques de l’aménagement de la capitale. Les politiques publiques d’aménagement occupent désormais une place centrale dans les stratégies électorales de l’ensemble des acteurs politiques. Tout comme leur contestation, qui donne lieu à des conflits d’aménagement locaux qui fragilisent le pouvoir municipal parisien. / The election of the socialist Bertrand Delanoë as mayor of Paris in 2001 marks a major turning point in the history of the capital: Paris is no longer the bastion of conservatism it was throughout the twentieth century. At the same time, the city is undergoing profound sociological and demographic changes: the capital continues to lose people, while rejuvenating and undergoing gentrification.A geopolitical analysis is fruitful when it comes to studying these unprecedented changes. Since 1977, the Parisian municipal authority, which is in a unique position of power in France, has been the subject of intense rivalries. Long ignored in the field of geography and political science, these rivalries are, however, a key factor in explaining policy and urban dynamics. This thesis intends to analyze them. It relies both on a rich body of electoral data, and on field surveys carried out in neighborhoods of eastern Paris and in the 16th arrondissement.Firstly, this thesis shows that the political change in 2001 was not the result of one single factor: the movement towards gentrification, divisions in the Parisian right or the national political context. In order to highlight what makes Parisian municipal elections unique, it is more appropriate to analyze the strategies of the key political players that focus on specific local issues. These are at the heart of local geopolitical systems.Secondly, this thesis highlights the geopolitical issues of the development of the capital. Public planning policies now occupy a central place in the electoral strategies of all political players. As does opposition to them, resulting in local planning disputes that undermine Parisian municipal power.