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[pt] A presente tese problematiza o papel da mídia digital na (con)formação da geopolítica contemporânea, em especial sobre os conceitos de soberania e emancipação. Entendida como estrutura nômica, a mídia digital opera na condição de agente de repartição do espaço e regulação dos fluxos de forças, matéria, forma e informação. Computação e Internet são responsáveis pelo desenho e conformação tanto do espaço físico da terra, como do espaço virtual da rede, a chamada nuvem. Um materialismo radical opera entre a desintegração do analógico no digital, passando pela axiomática maquínica dos protocolos, até chegar à sobrecodificação semântica da plataforma, na qual o denominado nomos da nuvem toma sua forma mais aparente. Esse nomos desenha uma geometria não-euclidiana (fractal), desafiadora da lógica causal e é pressuposto das novas dimensões de World-design. Nele, o arquivo deixa de simplesmente funcionar como mera representação do mundo, pois o próprio mundo se torna arquivo-Mundo. Os níveis ontológico e epistemológico passam a ser condicionados pela dimensão política. A mídia digital tece um diagrama que estabelece novos regimes de visibilidade (interface, expressão) e de enunciação (endereçamento, conteúdo), perante o qual, para ser ou saber no âmbito da Computação em geral e da Internet em especial, é exigida a submissão às idiossincrasias do a priori técnico-tecnológico à disposição. Um novo agenciamento de corpos e de signos é implicado. A nova mídia desintegra as fronteiras subjetivas e objetivas associadas à soberania, concebida tradicionalmente como um atributo do Estado-nação, instituindo outra topologia/topografia de corpos e agências em seu lugar. Com a nova era midiática, portanto, tanto o território se desdobra em uma dimensão hiperbólica, com a possível sobreposição de diversas soberanias sobre uma específica transmissão ou circuito, como o substrato sobre o qual o poder pode exercer e ser exercido deixa de ser humano e, ademais, deixa de pressupor uma subjetividade para ser exercido de facto. Coloca-se o problema a respeito de como definir uma tal condição soberana no contexto da nova era midiática e da derrocada do modelo westfaliano de Estado-nação. Aliado à questão relativa à soberania, questiona-se como estabelecer a (dia)gramática das lutas emancipatórias nesse contexto. A partir do anúncio de eventos recentes, propõe-se que a nova era midiática é fincada sobre duas passagens, quais sejam, a passagem do analógico para o digital e a passagem do a-significante dos bits para a semântica dos regimes de interface e endereçamento. Essas duas passagens se consumam no conceito de plataforma, entendida como diagrama rígido no qual uma assimetria bem característica é estabelecida entre sistema e usuário. Segundo essa relação assimétrica, o usuário não pode acessar o arkanum do código-fonte, ou melhor, as entranhas do sistema são protegidas da ação de um usuário qualquer. Com o reconhecimento dessa relação, é propriamente possível a análise dos conceitos de soberania e emancipação. Enquanto a soberana é entendida a priori como a condição daquele (humano ou não) capaz de agenciar as potências do código fonte em uma determinada relação com o sistema, a emancipação no âmbito da atual era midiática perpassa necessariamente por uma reivindicação dessa soberania. / [en] The thesis problematizes the role of digital media in the (con)formation of contemporary geopolitics, especially with regard to the concepts of sovereignty and emancipation. Understood as a nomic structure, digital media operates as an active agent in the partition of space and in the regulation of fluxes of forces, matter, form and information. Computation and Internet are responsible for the design and conformation both of Earth s physical layer, as well as of the virtual space of the Net, the so-called Cloud. A radical materialism operates between the disintegration of the analogical principle into the digital, through the machinic axioms of protocols, until it reaches the semantical over-codification of the platform. It is only then that the nomos of the cloud assumes its most visible form. This nomos draws a non-Euclidean geometry (i.e., a fractal), one that defies the causal logic and develops new dimensions of World-design. In it, the archive stops functioning as a mere representation of the world, for the very world becomes an archive. The ontological and epistemological levels of analysis of such a nomic order are both conditioned by a political dimension. Digital media weaves a diagram that establishes new regimes of visibility (interface, expression) and enunciation (addressability, content). A diagram before which, to be or to know, either in the realm of Computation in general or on the Internet, means to be subjugated by the idiosyncratic technical-technological a priori at hand. A new form of agency of bodies and signs is implied. New media disintegrates subjective and objective frontiers commonly associated with the sovereign condition traditionally conceived as a trait native to the Nation-State. It does this by instituting a new topology/topography of bodies and agencies in the place of what existed before it. The new mediatic era unfolds the territory in a hyperbolic dimension, overlapping different sovereignties over a specific transmission or circuit. The mediatic channel operates as a substratum over which power might exert itself or be exerted, while, at the same time, forfeiting any human condition and, what is even more, setting aside every subjective presupposition. The thesis poses the question about how to define the sovereign condition in the context of the new mediatic era and the collapse of the Westphalian model of the Nation-State. Connected to the problem regarding sovereignty, the thesis asks how it is possible to establish a (dia)grammatic of emancipation struggles in this context. Following the recent events, it is assumed that the new mediatic era consists of two different crossings. The first one would be the overcoming of the analogical by the digital, while the second would be the transition from the a-signifying bit to the semantics of interfacial and addressable regimes. These two events are consummated in the concept of the platform, understood as a rigid diagram in which an asymmetric relation between user and system takes place. According to this asymmetrical relationship, the user is not capable of accessing the arcanum of the source-code. The entrails of the system are protected from the direct action of an ordinary User. Only after the recognition of this asymmetry, can the concepts of sovereignty and emancipation be adequately analysed. While sovereignty is a priori understood as the condition of that which (human or otherwise) is capable of accessing the potential of the source-code, emancipation in the realm of the new media depends on the revindication of such a sovereign condition.

[pt] As histórias em quadrinhos quando aplicada no ensino de geografia possui e usa a imaginação com intuito de realizar algum plano através da organização dos fatos e seus significados imaginativos e criativos; manifestando uma preocupação séria pelas personalidades e eventos do passado [...] e um desejo de entender a ordem social à luz de seus antecedentes. (TUAN, 1990, p.439). De forma a pensar uma alternativa de conhecimento iremos destacar o Giro Decolonial que é aqui entendido como uma crítica epistemológica e ontológica que traz uma reflexão sobre nossa memória, nosso imaginário, nossa subjetividade, nossas formas de existir cotidianas. (CRUZ, 2017, p.25). Ancorados nestes princípios, através da uma atividade realizada para com os estudantes do Cap-UERJ de produção de histórias em quadrinhos, propomos a construção de um conhecimento através de um sistema coerente e identificável de sinais comunicativos que expressam a experiência única que cada um de nós tem da vida. (BRUNETTI, 2013, p.18). Para assim, proporcionar aos envolvidos na atividade a construção de um conhecimento escolar de Geografia que permite enxergar e entender as relações de poder presentes na sociedade, conferindo capacidade para os envolvidos se posicionar como sujeitos e agentes transformadores do real. / [en] Comic books when applied to geography teaching have and use imagination in order to carry out some plan through the organization of facts and their imaginative and creative meanings; manifesting a serious concern for the personalities and events of the past ... and a desire to understand the social order in the light of their background. (TUAN, 1990, p.439). In order to think about an alternative of knowledge, we will highlight the Decolonial Giro, which is understood here as an epistemological and ontological criticism that brings a reflection on our memory, our imaginary, our subjectivity, our daily ways of existing. (CRUZ, 2017, p.25). Anchored in these principles, through an activity carried out with Cap-UERJ students in the production of comic books, we propose the construction of knowledge through a coherent and identifiable system of communicative signs that express the unique experience that each of we have of life. (BRUNETTI, 2013, p.18). To do so, provide those involved in the activity with the construction of a school knowledge of Geography that allows them to see and understand the power relationships present in society, providing the ability for those involved to position themselves as subjects and agents that transform the real.

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Yemen is amid in three threats at the moment, during a civil war with a pandemic hitting them during a humanitarian crisis. The aim of this work was to understand how has the civil war in Yemen shaped and impacted their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response. A literature review was used in this study which helped to analyze the work. As a theoretical framework, it was used Michael E. Brown’s concept of Causes and dimensions of internal actors and Mary Kaldor’s concept of New Wars, which helped to outline and analyze the elements of this conflict and what effects internal and external Actors have in the conflict.   Mason and Rychard´s conflict mapping tools were used as a method. Also, the inter-agency framework helped to analyze the structural causes and key actors in the conflict. These all helped answer the research question, how has the civil war in Yemen affected their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response?  One of the important points that this conflict in Yemen tells us is the importance of local humanitarian workers when the conflict actors deny access to the areas. Without them, the work of international aid workers would be almost impossible, as the war continued around. The two humanitarian actors benefit from each other and this brings joint benefit to the Yemeni civilians. The main findings are as the war prolongs for a long time and externals actors intervene in it, followed by a humanitarian crisis affecting innocent civilians. Such a country will then be vulnerable to various pandemics. This has happened in the conflict in Yemen, as the situation is terrible and the COVID-19 pandemic disaster is coming to light there. One can state as a conclusion of the study that further research on the effect of COVID-19 could be helpful for the future to understand the real catastrophic effects this absurd conflict has brought.

Aucun projet d’autodétermination kurde n’a donné lieu à un État souverain. Cependant, en 1991, une entité politique autonome kurde est née de facto au nord de l’Irak. Puis, en 2004, son statut a été élevé à celui de jure. Similairement, une entité autonome kurde existe de facto en Syrie depuis 2012. En même temps, les Kurdes de la Turquie et de l’Iran ont du mal à revendiquer leurs prétentions envers leurs États parents. Cela soulève des questions sur les facteurs qui déterminent les trajectoires de ces projets d’autodétermination. Ce mémoire de thèse propose que c’est une combinaison des effets des institutions étatiques et de la politique des Grandes Puissances qui les explique. Son cadre théorique est axé sur la supposition qu’on peut étendre la portée des théories institutionnalistes et géopolitiques issues de la bibliographie sur la sécession à l’ensemble des expressions d’autodétermination, y inclue l’autonomie. Ayant adopté un design de recherche d’étude de cas comparative, ce mémoire teste ses hypothèses à partir des données empiriques retracées à compter d’évènements clés, comme les crises d’État-nation, dans les trajectoires des projets d’autodétermination kurdes en Turquie, Syrie, Irak et Iran. Les trouvailles renforcent l’argument principal et sont spécifiquement significatives concernant l’intercession des Grandes Puissances. En somme, quand les revendications d’autodétermination s’alignent sur les intérêts des Grandes Puissances, celles-ci peuvent compenser les arrangements institutionnels non favorables sur place, ce qui permet l’apparition ou la consolidation de l’entité politique. Lorsqu’il y a un désalignement entre les deux, les Grandes Puissances soutiendront le statu quo. / Kurdish self-determination projects have not produced a sovereign state. However, later upgraded to de jure status in 2004, a Kurdish-led de facto autonomous polity emerged in 1991 in northern Iraq. Another Kurdish de facto autonomous polity exists in Syria since 2012. Meanwhile, Turkish and Iranian Kurds struggle to press their claims against their home state leaders. This raises questions about the factors that determine the trajectories of their self-determination projects. This thesis contends that it is a combination of domestic institutions and Great Power politics that inform them and builds its theoretical framework on the assumption that institutionalist and geopolitical explanations from the literature on secession can be extended to other expressions of self-determination, as autonomy. Through a comparative case study research design, this thesis tests a set of hypotheses against empirical evidence traced from several key events, such as nation-state crises, in the trajectories of Kurdish self-determination projects in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran. The findings largely support the argument, and are specifically significant for Great Power intercession. In summary, they suggest that where self-determination claims align with the interests of Great Powers, they can offset the unfavorable institutional arrangements in place, allowing for polity emergence or consolidation. Where these claims and Great Power interests are misaligned, these uphold the status quo.

The concept of geopolitics - is reconsidered as a viable framework in analyzing the power relationship between nation states and then applied to the Middle East. After reviewing the historical development of geopolitics, it is modified, and then set against alternative approaches in explaining Middle Eastern alliances. Ultimately, geopolitics is used in order to rationalize America's alliance network within the region. / Master of Arts

Thèse franco-canadienne réalisée en cotutelle entre l’École pratique des hautes études - PSL (Paris) et l'Université de Montréal. / Cette thèse vise à établir une histoire du sionisme chrétien au Canada, en mettant en lumière ses racines dans la culture protestante anglo-saxonne et son évolution depuis le XIXe siècle jusqu’à 2015. L’analyse du rôle joué par des personnalités marquantes telles qu’Henry Wentworth Monk, William Lovell Hull et Roland de Corneille permet de mieux appréhender la complexité des arguments religieux, identitaires, politiques et humanitaires utilisés par les sionistes chrétiens pour promouvoir un soutien politique en faveur d’un État juif en Palestine, puis de l’État d’Israël au sein de l’opinion publique canadienne. En examinant également les stratégies adoptées par les organisations sionistes juives pour tisser des partenariats avec des groupes chrétiens, cette recherche souligne l’influence des sionistes chrétiens sur les relations judéo-chrétiennes et la politique étrangère canadienne à l’égard d’Israël et de la Palestine. / This thesis aims to establish a history of Christian Zionism in Canada, highlighting its roots in Anglo-Saxon Protestant culture and its evolution from the nineteenth century to 2015. By analysing the role played by key figures such as Henry Wentworth Monk, William Lovell Hull and Roland de Corneille, the study provides a better understanding of the complexity of the religious, identity, political and humanitarian arguments used by Christian Zionists to promote political support for a Jewish state in Palestine, and then for the State of Israel, within Canadian public opinion. By also examining the strategies adopted by Jewish Zionist organisations to forge partnerships with Christian groups, this research highlights the influence of Christian Zionists on Jewish-Christian relations and Canadian foreign policy towards Israel and Palestine.

Esta tese procura demonstrar que a Energia é um Recurso de Poder relevante para compreender as relações entre os Estados, especificamente os padrões de hierarquização e distribuição de poder no Sistema Internacional. Neste sentido, Energia é entendida como um sistema que abrange desde a extração de recursos energéticos, os mecanismos de transformação e uso final, a capacidade de decisão e uso da infraestrutura energética e de pesquisa e desenvolvimento tecnológico. Para isso, esta tese está dividida em três capítulos, procurando estabelecer, primeiramente as relações entre Energia e Poder no campo teórico-conceitual, para em seguida analisar o papel do Centro de Decisão Energética na Estratégia de Segurança Energética das Grandes Potências. O segundo capítulo analisa a geopolítica do controle dos recursos energéticos, com foco nas disputas geopolíticas pelo petróleo e da evolução das tecnologias relacionadas ao uso de petróleo e eletricidade nos principais conflitos do século XX. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo é destinado à operacionalização de indicadores quantitativos e qualitativos relacionados à estratégia energética adotada por grandes potências como EUA e também, pelo conjunto dos países emergentes que inclui Brasil, Rússia, Índia e China. Considera-se que a Energia é uma variável decisiva para se analisar as mudanças distribuição de poder entre as grandes potências. Destarte, a capacidade de decisão referente ao uso de recursos energéticos é central para garantir a Soberania de um Estado. / This thesis proposes that Energy is an important variable for explaining power relations among States, specifically hierarchy and distribution of Power in the International System. In this sense, Energy is understood as a system that comprehends the extraction of energy resources, the mechanisms for processing and the end-use energy consumption, and the capability to decide on the use of energy infrastructure, on research and on technological energy development. To accomplish this objective, this thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter aims to establish the relationship between Energy and Power in the theoretical-conceptual level, and analyzes the role of the Energy Decision Center on the Energy Security Strategy of the Great Powers. The second chapter analyzes the geopolitical control of energy resources, focusing on geopolitical disputes over oil and the development of technologies related to the use of oil and electricity in the great wars of the twentieth century. Finally, the third chapter is dedicated to operationalize quantitative and qualitative indicators related to energy strategy adopted by great powers like the U.S., as well by the group of emerging powers that includes Brazil, Russia, India and China. This thesis concludes that Energy is a decisive variable to analyze changes in the distribution of power among the Great Powers. Therefore, the decision-making capacity on the subject of the use of energy resources is essential to ensure the sovereignty of any State.

Esta tese procura demonstrar que a Energia é um Recurso de Poder relevante para compreender as relações entre os Estados, especificamente os padrões de hierarquização e distribuição de poder no Sistema Internacional. Neste sentido, Energia é entendida como um sistema que abrange desde a extração de recursos energéticos, os mecanismos de transformação e uso final, a capacidade de decisão e uso da infraestrutura energética e de pesquisa e desenvolvimento tecnológico. Para isso, esta tese está dividida em três capítulos, procurando estabelecer, primeiramente as relações entre Energia e Poder no campo teórico-conceitual, para em seguida analisar o papel do Centro de Decisão Energética na Estratégia de Segurança Energética das Grandes Potências. O segundo capítulo analisa a geopolítica do controle dos recursos energéticos, com foco nas disputas geopolíticas pelo petróleo e da evolução das tecnologias relacionadas ao uso de petróleo e eletricidade nos principais conflitos do século XX. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo é destinado à operacionalização de indicadores quantitativos e qualitativos relacionados à estratégia energética adotada por grandes potências como EUA e também, pelo conjunto dos países emergentes que inclui Brasil, Rússia, Índia e China. Considera-se que a Energia é uma variável decisiva para se analisar as mudanças distribuição de poder entre as grandes potências. Destarte, a capacidade de decisão referente ao uso de recursos energéticos é central para garantir a Soberania de um Estado. / This thesis proposes that Energy is an important variable for explaining power relations among States, specifically hierarchy and distribution of Power in the International System. In this sense, Energy is understood as a system that comprehends the extraction of energy resources, the mechanisms for processing and the end-use energy consumption, and the capability to decide on the use of energy infrastructure, on research and on technological energy development. To accomplish this objective, this thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter aims to establish the relationship between Energy and Power in the theoretical-conceptual level, and analyzes the role of the Energy Decision Center on the Energy Security Strategy of the Great Powers. The second chapter analyzes the geopolitical control of energy resources, focusing on geopolitical disputes over oil and the development of technologies related to the use of oil and electricity in the great wars of the twentieth century. Finally, the third chapter is dedicated to operationalize quantitative and qualitative indicators related to energy strategy adopted by great powers like the U.S., as well by the group of emerging powers that includes Brazil, Russia, India and China. This thesis concludes that Energy is a decisive variable to analyze changes in the distribution of power among the Great Powers. Therefore, the decision-making capacity on the subject of the use of energy resources is essential to ensure the sovereignty of any State.