The aim of this dissertation is to shed light on an oft-overlooked aspect of Hobbes’ and Locke’s educational theories. Specifically, this dissertation examines the role of mothers in Hobbes’ Locke’s, and Wollstonecraft’s political theories and defends the claim that mothers have an overlooked, important role to play in civic society insofar as they contribute to educating children to become good members of civic society. To date, scholars working on Hobbes and Locke have largely focused on only one type of education and its relationship to civic society. Specifically, they have focused on civic education. Civic education refers to formal programs, such as day school or university curricula aimed at molding individuals into citizens or subjects, capable of sustaining a thriving commonwealth. However, when scholars focus on civic education, they miss part of the story surrounding how Hobbesian and Lockean education is implemented because not all of their educational program can be contained in formal schooling. In the Chapters 1 and 2 of the dissertation, I show that mothers play a role in educating future subjects and citizens in Hobbes’ and Locke’s theories by means of what I call civic socialization. Civic socialization refers to the informal processes by which children are educated to become good subjects and citizens who contribute to the wellbeing and stability of the commonwealth. In Chapter 3, I consider whether mothers’ role in civic socialization is compatible with early modern, liberal theories. Insofar as Hobbes and Locke are early modern, liberal thinkers, they maintain that men and women are naturally equal. However, mothers’ role in civic socialization often results in their subordination to fathers. Mary Wollstonecraft, although a figure in modern philosophy, is useful for showing this tension. In her theory, even when mothers are highly educated, their role in civic socialization often means that mothers must use their education for the benefit of their children and not for themselves. / 2020-11-27T00:00:00Z

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:01:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Neste trabalho analisaremos o conceito de desejo e seu desdobramento na teoria de Thomas Hobbes, identificando-o como um elemento fundamental na constituição do corpo, a partir da antropologia, ou psicologia empírica, desenvolvida por Hobbes, subvertendo a ordem tradicional do universo ético e político. Desejo que aparece como uma força, um impulso que dá movimento a vida, sinônimo de felicidade, mas que, por sua desmedida insaciabilidade, coloca o homem sob risco da morte prematura e violenta. Estado de conflito, representado pelo estado de natureza hobbesiano, no qual o homem, num contexto hipotético de pura igualdade, ataca por desejo, seja para obter mais e mais poder, seja para não perder o que possui. Por trás do medo da morte, há o medo da perda do objeto mais cobiçado, ou seja, a vida. Mas apesar do homem espreitar o inimigo e aparentar irracionalidade, é capaz do consenso, quando faz uso da razão, com a qual se somam vontade e eloqüência. O consenso é o pacto, que cria as condições de possibilidade p / In this study we will analyze the concept of desire and its implication in Thomas Hobbes’ Theory, identifying it as a fundamental element in the determination of the man’s action, through the anthropology or empiric psychology developed by Hobbes, changing the traditional order of the ethics and political universe. Desire that appears as a power, an impulse which gives movement to life, synonym of happiness, but, because it is without measure or satisfaction, puts man in situations where the risk of premature and violent death is present. State of conflict, represented by the hobbesian state of nature, in which man, in a context of pure equality, attacks for desire, either to obtain more and more power, or not to lose what he had already achieved. Behind the fear of death, there is the fear of losing the most desired object: life. But, despite spying the enemy, man is also capable of a consensus, when he uses his sense, with which he adds will and elocution. The consensus is the pact which creates the conditi

Political realism is a general theory within political science focusing on the principle interest defined as power. The theory’s mutual standpoint is that states are inspired by power politics meaning that military and economic power or security stands in the centre while moral and ethics are placed in the periphery. This essay’s purpose is to analyze realism which helps to understand the development and change of the perspective. Focus is on classic realism within political science and the essay contains a comparison of the three theoretical philosophers Niccoló Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes and Hans J Morgenthau. The main question of the essay is: how has realism developed from Machiavelli to Morgenthau? The conclusion is that political realism has undergone a few large changes during the last four centuries but has mostly retained basic ideas. The most relevant adjustment is that realism has moved out from a highly immoral perspective to a perspective which actually contains various moral barricades. All the changes and non-changes within realism development can be observed in the model presented in the essay.

<p>Political realism is a general theory within political science focusing on the principle interest defined as power. The theory’s mutual standpoint is that states are inspired by power politics meaning that military and economic power or security stands in the centre while moral and ethics are placed in the periphery. This essay’s purpose is to analyze realism which helps to understand the development and change of the perspective. Focus is on classic realism within political science and the essay contains a comparison of the three theoretical philosophers Niccoló Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes and Hans J Morgenthau. The main question of the essay is: how has realism developed from Machiavelli to Morgenthau?</p><p>The conclusion is that political realism has undergone a few large changes during the last four centuries but has mostly retained basic ideas. The most relevant adjustment is that realism has moved out from a highly immoral perspective to a perspective which actually contains various moral barricades. All the changes and non-changes within realism development can be observed in the model presented in the essay.</p>

Tesi di dottorato--Filosofia--Milano--Università degli studi, 2005. / Bibliogr. p. 225-231. La couv. porte : "Premio Lucio Colletti"

Thomas Hobbes insisted that he had set forth the "true and only moral philosophy" and that he was the founder of civil science. Yet, the character of Hobbes's moral and political theory and its role in his civil doctrines has been the subject of much controversy. In this dissertation I defend an interpretation as a properly natural law theorist in his accounts of the foundations of moral philosophy and civil science, morality, commonwealth, and positive law. I juxtapose Hobbes's thought to the Aristotelian-Thomistic natural law tradition and argue that Hobbes's novelty flows chiefly from his doctrine of the human good. / text

There is little question that Hobbes's Leviathan and Behemoth are largely responding to the civil conflicts that were tearing seventeenth-century England apart, but scholars disagree in their interpretations of Hobbes's diagnosis and prescription for the civil war. Complementing previous interpretations, my MA thesis suggests that Hobbes also traces the source of the civil conflicts to Western philosophical tradition (WPT) itself both methodologically and substantially. Methodologically, ancient Western philosophers do not start their ratiocination process with definitions of the terms used, and Hobbes argues that this lack of adequate method leads to all kinds of absurdities and consequently a whole false reference world. This critique is largely based on Hobbes's materialist accounts of philosophy and mind. Substantially, Hobbes suggests that Aristotle's natural, moral and civil philosophies in particular contribute to the chaotic opinions and the civil conflicts. After detecting this source, Hobbes undertakes perhaps the most ambitious endeavor to exorcise the demon of the tradition in Western history, by radically scientizing the philosophical tradition and establishing a science of politics.

There is little question that Hobbes's Leviathan and Behemoth are largely responding to the civil conflicts that were tearing seventeenth-century England apart, but scholars disagree in their interpretations of Hobbes's diagnosis and prescription for the civil war. Complementing previous interpretations, my MA thesis suggests that Hobbes also traces the source of the civil conflicts to Western philosophical tradition (WPT) itself both methodologically and substantially. Methodologically, ancient Western philosophers do not start their ratiocination process with definitions of the terms used, and Hobbes argues that this lack of adequate method leads to all kinds of absurdities and consequently a whole false reference world. This critique is largely based on Hobbes's materialist accounts of philosophy and mind. Substantially, Hobbes suggests that Aristotle's natural, moral and civil philosophies in particular contribute to the chaotic opinions and the civil conflicts. After detecting this source, Hobbes undertakes perhaps the most ambitious endeavor to exorcise the demon of the tradition in Western history, by radically scientizing the philosophical tradition and establishing a science of politics.

Zugl.: Frankfurt (Main), Univ., Diss., 2005 u.d.T.: Jdanoff, Denis: Umfang und Grenzen der Gehorsamsverpflichtung in Thomas Hobbes' "Leviathan" und Jean-Jacques Rousseaus "Vom Gesellschaftsvertrag"

Thesis (M.A. in Political Science)--Vanderbilt University, May 2006. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.