This explanatory single-case study explains why China shifted its policy fromproliferation of nuclear weapons and technology, to nonproliferation. In doing so,English School (ES) theory is used in order to explain this shift – stressing theimportance of both the international system as well as the international society. Tostreamline the methodological inconsistencies of the ES tradition, a constructivistmethodology is applied. The study concludes that China’s perception of theinternational system and society is the most important feature when formulatingforeign policy and complying with the nonproliferation regime. From applying astreamlined constructivist view of ES theory the result is the discovery of China’snational rationale, which serves as a benchmark for its foreign policy. China isprimarily driven by national interest and while adhering to international norms,rules, and structures – it will still see domestic stability and defending itssovereignty as its main priorities.

This thesis contributes to the English school's growing literature on regional level international societies. Thus far English school scholars have demonstrated the existence of a post-Soviet regional international society. However, what is lacking is a clear defining of the members and institutions of this society. This paper gives particular attention to three questions: who are the actors, what are the primary and secondary institutions, and what role do these institutions play within the post-Soviet regional international society? Doing so contributes to the growing literature on the post-Soviet sub-global international society. In addition, it may be the case that Russian dominion is reflected through the network of secondary institutions in the post-Soviet international society. This thesis further investigates how the creation of this diplomatic structure allows Russia to contest the global diplomatic structure and project its great power status. / Master of Arts / Using the theoretical framework of the English School of international relations, this thesis seeks to define the members and institutions of the post-Soviet regional international society. According to the English School theory, secondary institutions, like international organizations, may constitute the existence of a regional international society. This makes it a useful lens to analyze not only what secondary institutions exist, but also the role they play. As such, this paper gives particular attention to three questions: who are the actors, what are the primary and secondary institutions, and what role do these institutions play within the post-Soviet regional international society? This paper finds that Russian dominion is reflected through the network of regional organizations, such as the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Collective Security Organization, and the Eurasian Union. This investigation of regional secondary institutions matter because this diplomatic structure may allow Russia to contest the global diplomatic structure and project its great power status.

This thesis examines the political impact of Salafi-Wahhabism in contemporary Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) since the El Mujahed Brigade of mujahedeen introduced this puritanical Saudi form of Islam during the 1992-1995 War that broke apart the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFROY). This study employs tenets of the English School of International Relations and utilizes a historical analytic approach to identify durable features of Bosnian Muslim religious economic activity, Bosnian education, and Bosnian political processes to answer the research question: what kind of influence has Salafi-Wahhabism had on BiH society and government since the end of the 1992-1995 Balkan War? Emergent evidence captured by these variables suggests a momentum of Salafi-Wahhabism influence is developing that may undercut the sovereignty of BiH and possibly impede its European Union membership bid. As a result of this rising Wahhabi influence in several facets of Bosnian society, the aggregate level of Islamism in the country is also likely increasing. / Master of Arts

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 695192 bytes, checksum: 6b90fa3754bab0b65ce09e5ee15cc110 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has by object to examine the thematic of the Security Council s reform and the pretensions of Brazil, to contribute in a comprehension of a subject so interesting, relevant and urgent to the International Society and the United Nations. The Organ in question is responsible for the monitoring of international peace and security, being the principal organ of the United Nations, monopolizing the capacity of adopting coercive measures of the Organization, which are the sanctions and the use of the Force, to any Estate-Member that disrespects the principles and purposes of the UN s Charter. However, this Organ, very important for that the UN can manage and stabilize the International Society, needs reforms in its structure, that preserves an obsolete composition of fifteen members, being five permanents with right of veto, beyond the regulamentation and the amplification of its attributions, so that the UN can develop conjoined with its members each purpose and principle included in its Constituent Treaty. The UN s Security Council reform is also a subject very defended by Brazil, although it doesn t have a foreign policy well defined allowing to have a major international force than it actually has and that prejudices the country in its pretensions, which aren t very well defined too. It is the State-member of UN that for ten times occupied the elective seats of the organ, beside of Japan, that is the one that more occupied the function of elective member of Security Council. Its activism during its biennials always was for promoting the pacific ways of controversies instead of taking more rigid measures, which are the sanctions and the authorized force of the Security Council to prevail its purposes, pleading a seat as permanent member and the amplification of the number of permanent and elective members to equilibrate the forces inside the organ. The research will be developed in three parts: to explore the generality of the International Society and of the United Nations to insert the UN s Security Council; to develop and to discuss the UN s Security Council reform; and to debate the interests that the Brazil has about this Organ. / Este trabalho tem por objeto examinar a temática da reforma do Conselho de Segurança e as pretensões do Brasil, para contribuir na compreensão de um assunto tão interessante, relevante e urgente à Sociedade Internacional e as Nações Unidas. O órgão em questão é responsável pelo monitoramento da paz e da segurança internacionais, sendo o principal órgão das Nações Unidas, monopolizando a capacidade de adotar medidas coercitivas da Organização, que são as sanções e o uso da Força, a qualquer Estado-membro que desrespeite os princípios e propósitos da Carta da ONU. Contudo, este Órgão, importantíssimo para que a ONU possa gerenciar e estabilizar a Sociedade Internacional, necessita de reformas em sua estrutura, que preserva uma composição obsoleta de quinze membros, sendo cinco permanentes com direito de veto, além da regulamentação e da ampliação de suas atribuições, a fim de que a ONU possa desenvolver conjuntamente com os seus membros cada propósito e princípio contido em seu Tratado-constitutivo. A reforma do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas também é um assunto muito defendido pelo Brasil, embora este não tenha uma política externa bem definida que permita ter uma força internacional maior do que tem atualmente e que prejudica o país em suas pretensões, que também não são bem definidas. O Brasil é o Estado-membro da ONU que por dez vezes ocupou os assentos eletivos do Órgão, ao lado do Japão, o que mais ocupou a função de membro eletivo do Conselho de Segurança. O seu ativismo durante os seus biênios sempre foi de promover os meios pacíficos de controvérsias ao invés das medidas mais rígidas, que são as sanções e a Força autorizada pelo Conselho de Segurança para prevalecer os seus propósitos, pleiteando uma vaga como membro permanente e a ampliação do número de membros permanentes e eletivos para equilibrar as forças dentro do Órgão. A pesquisa será desenvolvida em três partes: explorar a generalidade da Sociedade Internacional e das Nações Unidas para inserir o Conselho de Segurança da ONU; desenvolver e discutir a reforma do Conselho de Segurança da ONU; e debater os interesses que o Brasil tem a respeito do Órgão. xx

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 695194 bytes, checksum: e81f1430ef9fa1ebfc1605ac0720350c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has by object to examine the thematic of the Security Council s reform and the pretensions of Brazil, to contribute in a comprehension of a subject so interesting, relevant and urgent to the International Society and the United Nations. The Organ in question is responsible for the monitoring of international peace and security, being the principal organ of the United Nations, monopolizing the capacity of adopting coercive measures of the Organization, which are the sanctions and the use of the Force, to any Estate-Member that disrespects the principles and purposes of the UN s Charter. However, this Organ, very important for that the UN can manage and stabilize the International Society, needs reforms in its structure, that preserves an obsolete composition of fifteen members, being five permanents with right of veto, beyond the regulamentation and the amplification of its attributions, so that the UN can develop conjoined with its members each purpose and principle included in its Constituent Treaty. The UN s Security Council reform is also a subject very defended by Brazil, although it doesn t have a foreign policy well defined allowing to have a major international force than it actually has and that prejudices the country in its pretensions, which aren t very well defined too. It is the State-member of UN that for ten times occupied the elective seats of the organ, beside of Japan, that is the one that more occupied the function of elective member of Security Council. Its activism during its biennials always was for promoting the pacific ways of controversies instead of taking more rigid measures, which are the sanctions and the authorized force of the Security Council to prevail its purposes, pleading a seat as permanent member and the amplification of the number of permanent and elective members to equilibrate the forces inside the organ. The research will be developed in three parts: to explore the generality of the International Society and of the United Nations to insert the UN s Security Council; to develop and to discuss the UN s Security Council reform; and to debate the interests that the Brazil has about this Organ. / Este trabalho tem por objeto examinar a temática da reforma do Conselho de Segurança e as pretensões do Brasil, para contribuir na compreensão de um assunto tão interessante, relevante e urgente à Sociedade Internacional e as Nações Unidas. O órgão em questão é responsável pelo monitoramento da paz e da segurança internacionais, sendo o principal órgão das Nações Unidas, monopolizando a capacidade de adotar medidas coercitivas da Organização, que são as sanções e o uso da Força, a qualquer Estado-membro que desrespeite os princípios e propósitos da Carta da ONU. Contudo, este Órgão, importantíssimo para que a ONU possa gerenciar e estabilizar a Sociedade Internacional, necessita de reformas em sua estrutura, que preserva uma composição obsoleta de quinze membros, sendo cinco permanentes com direito de veto, além da regulamentação e da ampliação de suas atribuições, a fim de que a ONU possa desenvolver conjuntamente com os seus membros cada propósito e princípio contido em seu Tratado-constitutivo. A reforma do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas também é um assunto muito defendido pelo Brasil, embora este não tenha uma política externa bem definida que permita ter uma força internacional maior do que tem atualmente e que prejudica o país em suas pretensões, que também não são bem definidas. O Brasil é o Estado-membro da ONU que por dez vezes ocupou os assentos eletivos do Órgão, ao lado do Japão, o que mais ocupou a função de membro eletivo do Conselho de Segurança. O seu ativismo durante os seus biênios sempre foi de promover os meios pacíficos de controvérsias ao invés das medidas mais rígidas, que são as sanções e a Força autorizada pelo Conselho de Segurança para prevalecer os seus propósitos, pleiteando uma vaga como membro permanente e a ampliação do número de membros permanentes e eletivos para equilibrar as forças dentro do Órgão. A pesquisa será desenvolvida em três partes: explorar a generalidade da Sociedade Internacional e das Nações Unidas para inserir o Conselho de Segurança da ONU; desenvolver e discutir a reforma do Conselho de Segurança da ONU; e debater os interesses que o Brasil tem a respeito do Órgão.

No description available.

International Society for Clinical Densitometry (ISCD) rekommenderar att precisionsbestämning av bentäthetsmätning görs på varje klinik för att bedöma reproducerbarheten. Bentäthetsmätning görs för att diagnosticera osteoporos, följa upp behandling och förutsäga frakturrisk. I studien användes Dual energy x-ray absorptiometry (DXA) för att utföra dubbla mätningar på redan inbokade patienter på klinisk fysiologi, Skånes Universitetssjukhus (SUS), Lund. 105 patienter ingick i studien. Mätningarna utfördes på helkropp, totalhöft, lårbenshals och ländrygg. Helkroppsmätningar ingick i en interindividuell studie och de övriga ingick i intraindividuella studier. Reproducerbarheten uttrycktes som minsta signifikanta skillnaden (LSC), root mean square standardavvikelse (RMS SD) och variationskoefficient (%CV). Reproducerbarheten i studien var god med låga värden för LSC och RMS SD. %CV understeg de av ISCD rekommenderade maxvärdena, vilka är 1,8 % för totalhöft, 2,5 % för lårbenshals och 1,9 % för ländrygg. / It is recommended by the International Society for Clinical Densitometry (ISCD) that every clinic performs a precision assessment of bone densitometry to evaluate the reproducibility. Bone densitometry is used for diagnosis of osteoporosis, to monitor response to treatment and to assess patients’ risk of fractures. Dual energy x-ray absorptiometry (DXA) was used to perform double scans of patients already booked for examination at the section of clinical physiology, Skåne University Hospital (SUS), Lund. 105 patients were included in the study. Measurements were made at whole body, total hip, femoral neck and lumbar spine. The whole body scans were included in an interindividual study, whereas the others were included in intraindividual studies. The reproducibility was expressed as least significant change (LSC), root mean square standard deviation (RMS SD) and coefficient of variation (%CV). The reproducibility in the study was good, with low values for LSC and RMS SD. %CV fell below the maximal values recommended by the ISCD, which are 1,8 % for total hip, 2,5 % for femoral neck and 1,9 % for lumbar spine.

Within the contemporary international order, deep structural inequalities coexist alongside a nominally pluralistic society of states that grants international personality to politically organised communities. Asymmetric interactions between distinct political communities have shaped the development of the international system from the colonial era to the present phase of global economic integration. Rising interdependence, problems of unequal development and the democratic mobilisation of peoples around the world have generated moral claims regarding the injustice of global inequality. In this context the international politics of inequality have taken the format of challenges by the political representatives of the global South to the dominance of the advanced industrialised North. The normative dimensions of this process can be understood through a focus on this process of political argument between unequals. Political argument is contestation over the principles appropriate to govern a sphere of social interaction. The thesis seeks to vindicate the notion that the challenges by the global South have given rise to a dynamic of political argument within a norm-governed international society. Changes in patterns of normative belief, material power and forms of political organisation have historically shaped North-South relations. Therefore, through the analysis of particular episodes of North-South argument, the thesis attempts to provide insights into the moral limits and possibilities of an evolving international society. Analysing the organised attempts to challenge inequality on the part of the representatives of the global South, the thesis seeks to advance the position the tensions generated by claims over inequality might provide the nucleus for the incorporation of egalitarian concerns into the operation of international society. Through participation in common practices of statehood, the peoples of the global South possess at least some ability to challenge structural inequalities and thus the potential to expand the moral limits of international society.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Curriculum and Instruction / Rosemary Talab / The purpose of this study was to investigate teacher practices of enabling factors in the implementation of technology-assisted PBL, in Tatweer schools in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. This study also explored how the International Society for Technology in Education (ISTE) National Education Technology Standards for Teachers (NETS.T) were used in Tatweer classrooms and for what purposes technology was used to support PBL in the Tatweer schools. Using a constructivist framework, a convergent parallel mixed-methods design was used. The survey included closed and open-ended items, which was sent to 1073 male and female Tatweer teachers in 30 schools. Of the 710 responses received, 640 were valid, resulting in a 60% return rate. Factorial MANOVA results indicated that gender and school level were statistically significant at p < .05, while other teacher characteristics (degree types, educational degree, years of teaching experience, and content area), including their interaction, were not. ANOVA results indicated that gender effects on PBL practices were statistically significant on both teacher roles (F (1,403) = 17.77, partial ƞ2 = .042, p < .05) and learning environment (F (1, 403) = 10.83, partial ƞ2 = 026, p < .001). A means comparison indicated that males had better technology-assisted PBL practices on both variables. ANOVA and post hoc test results found that high schools used technology-assisted PBL better than elementary schools, and intermediate schools performed better than elementary schools. No significant difference was found between technology-assisted PBL practices in high schools and intermediate schools within the school system. Descriptive analysis results for research question two indicated that Tatweer school teacher technology uses were aligned with ISTE NETS.T, though there was very little use of technology in PBL. Though 177 units of information were found for the seven open-ended questions, little was related to the research questions, so Grounded Theory was used to find 19 overall themes. Findings indicated several casual conditions for the lack of technology-assisted PBL, including technology access, classroom design, space, and facilities, ministry/district support, and teacher preparation. Action strategies included providing needed technology, offering technology training, providing training in new instructional methods, creating a more flexible curriculum, and adopting advanced teaching methods and authentic assessment. Recommendations for Tatweer schools included a better learning environment, greater professional technology access, and school system support. Recommendations for future studies included conducting a similar study on other schools and a further examination of Grounded Theory findings.

[pt] A América do Sul é uma região cuja anarquia internacional contemporaneamente não apresenta mais um estado de anarquia marcado pelo dilema de segurança. Saber se essa sociedade internacional obteve uma mudança pacífica a ponto de superar este dilema e atingir uma comunidade pluralista de segurança é o problema de pesquisa desta tese. Isso requer o entendimento deste conceito, bem como a constatação da presença de seus elementos constitutivos na região sul-americana. Para responder a esta pergunta, o trabalho foi dividido em duas partes, a primeira de natureza teórica e a segunda de caráter empírico. Cada uma tem dois capítulos. No primeiro capítulo da parte teórica, expõe-se a revisão da literatura sobre comunidades de segurança e, no segundo capítulo, faz-se uma revisão da literatura relativa à segurança internacional na região. Quanto à parte empírica, seu primeiro capítulo foi destinado a traçar um perfil da ordem sulamericana durante a Guerra Fria antes da hipotética emergência de uma comunidade de segurança na região. Já no quarto capítulo demonstra-se seu possível surgimento e consolidação no pós-Guerra Fria. O método comparativo é usado para cotejar esses dois períodos, de modo a captar uma possível transição para uma comunidade de segurança. Conclui-se que, após a guerra fria, não se pode dizer ainda que a América do Sul apresenta todos os elementos de uma Comunidade de Segurança madura, mas se encontra em estágio ascendente. / [en] South America is a region which international anarchy presently does not show a condition marked by the security dilemma anymore. To assess to what extent this international society has obtained a peaceful change up to a point of overcoming this dilemma and achieving a pluralistic security community condition is the research problem of this thesis. It requires the comprehension of this concept, as well as the assessment of its constitutive elements in the South- American region. To answer this question, the thesis has been divided in two parts, the first of theoretical nature and the second of empirical character. Each of them has two chapters. In the first chapter of the theoretical part, one exposes the literature review on security communities. In the second chapter, one makes a literature review of the international security relatively to the region. As for the empirical part, its first chapter has been destined to trace the profile of South- American order during the Cold War, before the hypothetical emergence of a security community in the region. In the fourth chapter, one shows its possible emergence and consolidation in the post-Cold War. The comparative method is used to contrast these two periods in order to capture the possible transition to a Security Community. One concludes that, after the Cold War one cannot state that South America has all elements of a Security C ommunity but it is in an emergent stage.