This dissertation argues that the strong relationship that historians see between the South and West in the early 19th century, which allowed them to form what scholars have termed the Old South, had its origins in the twenty-year period after the American Revolution when a group of far-sighted southerners worked to form a political bond between the two regions. They did so by tirelessly defending the West and westerners against political and economic attacks, often from northerners but sometimes from people within their own region. Within the ongoing debate over the emergence of a southern consciousness, historians have overlooked one important factor in its development-the West. Although it would be incorrect to argue that southern consciousness began in the 1780s or 1790s, it would not be remiss to argue that southerners began to look at the trans-Appalachian West during this period as something more than just virgin territory. A few southerners, particularly James Madison, saw the South's political future entwined with the West's advancement and worked to ensure that a strong political relationship developed between the two regions. For people like Madison, this political merger of the two sections is what they meant when they talked about a "southern and western interest." Historians should be careful not to take the close relationship present in the nineteenth century between the South and the trans-Appalachian West for granted. Although the two regions shared many interests, family and slavery being just two, the close relationship that developed happened because of the hard work and dedication of a handful of forward-looking southerners in the late eighteenth century. The history of these two regions during this twenty-year period is far more complicated than historians have imagined and described.

Review of A Companion to James Madison and James Monroe edited by Stuart Leibiger

James Madison wrote four accounts of faction, the most public and famous of which was Federalist 10. By examining all four accounts, I undertake to develop a more capacious understanding of the design and purpose of Madison’s vision for American constitutional politics than can be extracted from an examination of Federalist 10 alone. I attempt to collate the unique insights of each account of faction into a coherent unity, with special attention to Madison’s rhetoric. I conclude that the three least famous accounts of faction, correctly read, perfect and extend the account in Federalist 10 by offering a more candid window into Madison’s thought on human beings and the political life for which he thought them fit. / text

The purpose of this manuscript is to explain Alexander Hamilton's idea that a national bank was essential for America's survival. Three key ingredients, clarified through the use of letters and documents, are used to understand the importance of Hamilton's objective: 1) Hamilton's relationship with George Washington, discussed in chapter one; 2) James Madison's and Thomas Jefferson's arguments against Hamilton's ideas, discussed in chapters two and three; and 3) Hamilton's proposal for the bank and his opinion in favor of its constitutionality, including the idea that the necessary and proper clause expands the authority of government, discussed in chapter four. The prosperity and stability America experienced after the national bank threw open its door is proof that Hamilton's initiatives were needed. While James Madison is considered the Father of the Constitution, Hamilton is most definitely it foremost interpreter.

The project presented here is a NCAA Division I capacity football stadium located on the campus of James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. This stadium is a vehicle for exploring and expressing my ideas about the role of structure in architecture, and about an architect's realm of control in a building project. The typology of a stadium allows for a limited number of functional requirements while, at the same time, allowing for, if not demanding, a creative structural solution. / Master of Architecture

[pt] A Revolução Americana registrou uma intensa participação política popular nos Estados da Confederação. Este período marcou a preferência pela doutrina da separação absoluta de Poderes, uma vez que o sistema de governo balanceado inglês permitiu que o clientelismo real corrompesse a independência do Parlamento, órgão supostamente responsável pela defesa das liberdades civis nas colônias. Porém, o engajamento do povo foi condenado pela elite norteamericana, que liderou um movimento de centralização do poder capaz de controlar o excesso de democracia local, identificado com a supremacia que as assembléias possuíam no âmbito estadual. Neste contexto surge a Constituição de 1787, que funda suas bases na teoria dos freios e contrapesos como um método de fiscalização recíproca dos Poderes, mas, com especial destaque, para o controle do Legislativo. O evento constitucional enfraqueceu a virtude dos cidadãos, que se restringiu à atividade de expansão rumo à fronteira e criou um mecanismo de governo autônomo, que concentrou a política na ação de uma elite dirigente e na relação entre os diferentes órgãos intra-estatais. O estudo da concepção de separação de Poderes em Jefferson, Madison e Hamilton ajuda a esclarecer o modo com que o projeto constitucional de 1787 rompeu com a ideologia a essência revolucionária. / [en] The American Revolution presented a high level of popular politics participation under the Confederation years. This moment marked the option for the absolute doctrine of the separation of powers as a response against the failure of the balanced constitution theory and the incapacity of the British Parliament to protect the colonies civil liberties. However, the fear of popular engagement made the American elites lead a centralization of power that could be able to control the popular local democracy. The Constitution of the United States and its checks and balances system were born as a result of that conservative process. The constitutional structure protected the government of the people direct action and influence, creating a separated dimension to the politics forces game. The study of the concepts of this era and the meanings they were used, particularly, the Jefferson s, Madison s and Hamilton s conception concerning of the separation of powers doctrine helps to understand how the Constitution ruptured the spirit of the American Revolution, based on the active citizenship.

Project (B.A.)--James Madison University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Enlightenment theorists like John Locke and Montesquieu were incredibly influential for the American Revolution. However, while Jean-Jacques Rousseau is widely regarded as one of the most influential Enlightenment writers in history and while his work was very influential in Europe, especially during the French Revolution, Rousseau's theories were not widely read and he is not considered a strong influence on American political theory. In this thesis, I argue that Rousseau is considered noninfluential in particular because of the conflict between his theories of communtarianism and egalitarianism and Federalist political projects that aimed to convert the United States into a large, mercantalist, international presence. Anti-Federalists were much more receptive to Rousseau's theories but were unable to commit to them fully because of their reliance on chattel slavery and his firm opposition to the institution. Finally, I argue that the tensions between early American politicians and Rousseau's theories of egalitarianism showcase the pseudodemocratic nature of early American politics and rhetoric and explain American government's oligarchic tendencies.

Margaret Bayard Harrison Smith was a prominent member of early Washington City society from the time she and her husband, Samuel Harrison Smith, moved to the blossoming capital in 1800 until her death in 1844. As a longtime resident of Washington, Margaret spent most of her adult life navigating the unique socio-political waters of the capital and developing friendships with many of the most prominent politicians of her time. Mrs. Smith's writings provide firsthand accounts of several important political events including Congress' role in the election of 1800, Jefferson's first inauguration, Madison's first inauguration, and the destruction left by the British after the siege of Washington. Her writings also provide a picture of early undeveloped Washington City, where grand public buildings were largely surrounded by wilderness and connected by muddy roads. While this work looks at the social and political environment that Margaret Smith experienced, it also examines many of the personal concerns that frequented Mrs. Smith's writings. Margaret's views on educating her children, interacting with servants, interacting with the enslaved population of Washington, and dealing with feelings of isolation, due to the distance from her family, are frequently addressed in her letters. Focusing on these aspects of Mrs. Smith's writings allows for a greater examination of the societal norms of her day about gender, class, and race. While Margaret's letters and commonplace books have often been used to examine Washington society and the lives of her prominent friends, there is no biography of Mrs. Smith herself. This dissertation provides the first biography of Margaret Bayard Harrison Smith from her birth until the end of the War of 1812.

Thesis (M.A.)--James Madison University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.