This study offers a reinterpretation of the so-called Eurozone crisis, arguing that its crisis character is overstated and that it is rather a normal stage in the process of European banking sector integration. Particularly, I maintain that it is neither a sovereign debt crisis caused by profligate peripheral governments, nor a crisis of the Eurozone's common monetary policy. Nor, however, are the Eurozone's low growth, high unemployment, and economic and political instability deliberate policies, whether by German or Greek governments, European institutions, or the European banking circuitry. Rather, I trace the Eurozone's low growth and high unemployment back to what I call transpositions. Transpositions change the possible boundaries of perceiving political and economic situations by altering the syntagmatic structure governing their intelligibility. The shift from 2003-2007 'boom times' to post-2007 'times of crisis' is one such transposition, which occurs behind the backs of human actors and thus forms the horizon of possible behavior of market and political actors. The Eurozone's 'crisis' transposition, results in differentiations within the asset class of Euro-denominated sovereign debt between a 'core,' comprising Germany, Austria, Latvia, and Finland, among others, and a 'periphery,' encompassing Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Cyprus. It follows that the solvency of Eurozone member states is a derivative function of banking sector liquidity, reversing the conventional 'sovereign debt crisis' explanation to what I call the country-fundamental transposition. The second transposition I explore is the austerity transposition. I maintain that the Eurozone's real economy is more interconnected than conventional narratives of European economic unification allow, and that supposedly national European economies – including particularly that of Germany – are integrated subcircuits of Europe's real economy. Constituting them as supposedly national economies is itself a transposition, necessary for the preservation of the European banking circuitry's interconnected balance sheets. Yet, the austerity transposition goes further, beyond a form of political economy oriented towards growth and sustainability, and into a moral economy of condemnation differentiating between morally virtuous and morally pernicious economies in the Eurozone. Its destructive effects are therefore neither irrational nor the result of a German hegemonic agenda, but that of the Eurozone's post-2007 syntagmatic structure. / Ph. D.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-01T11:24:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 fabriciobarbosamaciel.pdf: 1460141 bytes, checksum: 42d86d0347339fcf3bce1dbba2dc92b8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T15:59:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fabriciobarbosamaciel.pdf: 1460141 bytes, checksum: 42d86d0347339fcf3bce1dbba2dc92b8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T15:59:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fabriciobarbosamaciel.pdf: 1460141 bytes, checksum: 42d86d0347339fcf3bce1dbba2dc92b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-19 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese apresenta um esboço para uma nova teoria da sociedade mundial do trabalho. Seus principais questionamentos são: (1) ainda vivemos em uma sociedade do trabalho? (2) Podemos teorizar acerca de uma sociedade mundial do trabalho? (3) Existe uma sociedade mundial? (4) Em caso afirmativo, existe uma sociedade mundial modificada? (5) Em que medida as mudanças sociais de tal sociedade, tematizadas por boa parte da sociologia dominante atual, podem ser consideradas meias-verdades e em que medida são fenômenos sociológicos empíricos? (6) A dicotomia centro-periferia ainda pode ser utilizada? Como? O enfrentamento de tais questões se desdobra em seis pontos, organizados nos seis primeiros capítulos da tese. Ou seja, uma nova teoria mundial do trabalho precisa articular teoria e pesquisa empírica a partir dos seguintes pontos: (1) se estamos falando em uma sociedade mundial, não é mais possível realizar uma teoria do trabalho, da classe e da desigualdade restrita aos marcos teóricos e políticos do “nacionalismo metodológico” (Capítulo 1, com Ulrich Beck); (2) esta nova teoria precisa discutir as mudanças sociais do trabalho contemporâneas (Capítulo 2, com Claus Offe, André Gorz e Ulrich Beck); (3) é preciso o enfrentamento das tentativas contemporâneas de substituição do paradigma do trabalho, dentre as quais será debatida a teoria da sociedade do conhecimento (Capítulo 3); (4) uma teoria mundial do trabalho precisa incluir a periferia do capitalismo e sua nova relação com o seu tradicional centro. Para tanto, será debatida a tese da “brasilização do Ocidente”, de Ulrich Beck (Capítulo 4); (5) uma teoria da sociedade mundial do trabalho precisa enfrentar a questão social em sua dimensão global contemporânea, o que será feito a partir da obra de Robert Castel (Capítulo 5); (6) a teoria da sociedade mundial do trabalho precisa ser articulada a uma nova teoria de classes no capitalismo contemporâneo (Capítulo 6). Este capítulo apresenta material empírico qualitativo coletado no Brasil e na Alemanha. Por fim, o capítulo 7 apresenta, em números, coletados de especialistas da sociologia do trabalho, da desigualdade e da classe brasileiras, um breve panorama das mudanças sociais do trabalho no Brasil contemporâneo. / This thesis presents an outline for a new theory of worldwide society of work. The main questions are: (1) Do we still live in a society of work? (2) Can we theorize about a worldwide society of work? (3) Is there a worldwide society? (4) If so, is there a worldwide society changed? (5) To what extent social changes of such society, themed by much of the current dominant sociology, can be considered half-truths and to what extent are empirical sociological phenomena? (6) Can the center-periphery dichotomy still be used? How? The confrontation of such questions is unfolded in six points, organized in the first six chapters of the thesis. That is, a new worldwide theory of the work needs to articulate theory and empirical research from the following points: (1) if we're talking in a worldwide society, it is no longer possible to make a theory of work, of the class and the inequality restricted to the theoretical and political boundaries of the "methodological nationalism" (Chapter 1, with Ulrich Beck); (2) this new theory must discuss social changes of contemporary work (Chapter 2, with Claus Offe, Ulrich Beck and André Gorz); (3) the confrontation of contemporary attempts of replacement of the work paradigm is needed, among which the theory of the knowledge society will be debated (Chapter 3); (4) a worldwide theory of work must include the periphery of capitalism and its new relationship with its traditional heartland. For that reason, the thesis of "brasilization of the West", by Ulrich Beck will be discussed (Chapter 4); (5) a theory of worldwide society of work must face the social issue in its contemporary global dimension, which will be made from the work of Robert Castel (Chapter 5); (6) the theory of worldwide society of work needs to be articulated to a new theory of classes in the contemporary capitalism (Chapter 6). This chapter presents qualitative empirical material collected in Brazil and Germany. Finally, Chapter 7 presents, in collected numbers from experts of the brazilian sociology of work, of inequality and class, a brief overview of social changes of the work in the contemporary Brazil.

[pt] O presente trabalho tem como objetivo através do pensamento de Ulrich Beck, analisar como a ascensão da globalização tem afetado o modelo de Estado nacional Westfaliano. É exposto como os Estados nacionais se caracterizaram como um espaço de intensas disputas políticas a partir da eclosão das revoluções do século XVIII. Em seguida é realizada a delimitação do quadro teórico de Ulrich Beck de modo a identificar como o autor realiza a interligação entre sua teoria da sociedade de risco e o impacto da globalização sobre o funcionamento dos Estados nacionais. Através da diferenciação entre os conceitos de globalização e globalismo é realizada a desmistificação de certas crenças, sendo possível compreender, como tem sido viável aos agentes econômicos imporem uma subordinação política dos Estados nacionais aos seus interesses de mercado. O globalismo é identificado como uma ideologia e a globalização como um fenômeno plural e irreversível. A partir de então verifica-se que as disputas de poder que se realizaram historicamente dentro dos limites do Estado nacional se desequilibram intensamente. Dessa forma compromete-se o funcionamento democrático da política dos Estados nacionais. São delimitados fenômenos que no entender de Ulrich Beck caracterizam-se como reais transformações sociais que afetam os Estados da atualidade. Tais transformações forçam uma reconfiguração no que tange a vinculação territorial do poder político. A partir dessa constatação abrem-se questionamentos a respeito de novas formas institucionais pósnacionais, que venham compensar o esvaziamento político e o déficit democrático por que passam os Estados nacionais contemporâneos. / [en] This paper aims through the thought of Ulrich Beck, to analyze how the rise of globalization has affected the Westphalian model of nation state. It is exposed as the nation states have been characterized as an area of intense political wrangling since the outbreak of the revolutions of the eighteenth century. Then it held the delimitation of the theoretical framework of Ulrich Beck in order to identify how the author makes the link between his theory of risk society and the impact of globalization on the functioning of national states. By differentiating between the concepts of globalization and globalism is held demystification of certain beliefs, and you can understand, as has been viable economic agents impose a political subordination of national states to their market interests. Globalism is identified as an ideology and globalization as an irreversible phenomenon and plural. Since then it appears that the power struggles that took place historically within the boundaries of the national state become unbalanced intensely. Thus committed to the democratic functioning of the policy of national states. Phenomena that are defined in the view of Ulrich Beck characterized as real social changes that affect the states today. These changes force a reconfiguration with respect to territorial linkage of political power. Based on this finding opens up new questions about post-national institutional forms, which will compensate the deflation political and the deficit democratic experienced by the contemporary nation states.

La frontière entre le politique et l'intellectualisme militant est, d'ordinaire, ténue. Tout univers politico-constitutionnel est ainsi susceptible de faire les frais d'un martèlement doctrinal qui, à maints égards, relève davantage du construit que du donné. Résultante directe d'une construction parfois intéressée, le récit identitaire, à force de répétition, s'installera confortablement sur les sièges de l'imaginaire populaire. Il accèdera, au fil du temps, au statut de mythe pur et simple. Ce dernier, politiquement parlant, revêt de puissants effets aphrodisiaques. La présente thèse doctorale s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux mythes créés, depuis 1982, par un segment de la doctrine québécoise : en matière de droits linguistiques, objet principal de notre étude, Charte canadienne des droits et libertés et Cour suprême, toutes deux liguées contre le Québec, combineront leurs efforts afin d'assurer le recul du fait français dans la Belle Province. Quant aux francophones hors Québec, ceux-ci, depuis l'effritement du concept de nation canadienne-française, sont dorénavant exclus de l'équation, expurgés de l'échiquier constitutionnel. En fait, l'adoption d'un nationalisme méthodologique comme nouvelle orthodoxie politique et doctrinale rend ardue, en plusieurs sens, la conciliation de leur existence avec les paradigmes et épistémologie maintenant consacrés. Ainsi, et selon la logique du tiers exclu, une victoire francophone hors Québec signifiera, du fait d'une prétendue symétrie interprétative, un gain pour la communauté anglo-québécoise. Cette thèse vise à discuter de la teneur de diverses allégories établies et, le cas échéant, à reconsidérer la portée réelle de la Charte canadienne en matière linguistique. Il sera alors démontré que plusieurs lieux communs formulés par les milieux intellectuels québécois échouent au moins partiellement, le test de l'analyse factuelle. Celui-ci certifiera de l'exclusion, par la doxa, de toute décision judiciaire ou autre vérité empirique ne pouvant cadrer à même les paramètres, voire les prismes, de l'orthodoxie suggérée. / The boundary between politics and intellectual activism is generally fluid. The whole universe of political-constitutional thought while banging the doctrinal drum is often merely a political construct rather than grounded in fact. Through constant repetition, the Quebecois national identity narrative has established itself firmly in the public’s imagination. Through the years, it has attained the status of an outright myth. Utilized in the political arena, this myth holds tremendous sway. This doctoral thesis focuses on the different myths which have been created since 1982 by writers of a particular branch of Quebec doctrine: language rights, the primary focus of this study, where the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Supreme Court of Canada are considered to have joined forces to redress the French language’s gains in la Belle Province. Francophones outside Quebec, since the crumbling of the concept of a French Canadian nation, find themselves excluded from the equation and removed from the constitutional chessboard. In fact, the adoption of methodological nationalism as the new political and doctrinal orthodoxy makes it particularly difficult to reconcile the existence of a national identity narrative with the enshrined myths. Thus, and following the logic of the excluded third party theory, a Francophone victory outside of Quebec is considered according to the interpretative symmetry a win for the Quebec Anglophone community. This thesis seeks to question the value of the different established myths, and if applicable, to revaluate the scope of the Canadian Charter with regard to language rights. It will demonstrate that many of the accepted theories by Quebec scholars and doctrinal writers fail, at least partially, a fact-based analytical test. This will confirm that these espoused theories purposely ignore judicial decisions and other empirical facts which do not adhere to the suggested orthodoxy.

Abstract Globalization, immigration and the multiculturalization of society have had a deep impact on Finland in the last few decades. But what effect did these altered cultural-societal circumstances have on literary life in Finland in the early 2000s? The object of research in this article-based dissertation is the transnationalization of literary life in Finland. This is investigated through what is called ’new transnational literature’ in this study by means of analyzing literature published by writers with migrant backgrounds during the first decade of the 20th century in Finland. The study analyzes the reception of debut novels by Ranya ElRamly, Umayya Abu-Hanna, Zinaida Linden and Alexandra Salmela. Furthermore, it considers how this reception has implicitly defined and canonized Finnish literature, and how transnational and cross-border writers are situated in the literary field in Finland. By problematizing how to approach the transnational in literary studies, this dissertation contributes to current debates on methodological nationalism. The research material consists of works of fiction as well as texts published on internet and print media that deal with the reception of the novels. These sources are examined within the framework of cultural studies, mainly from the perspectives of close reading and sociological criticism, media studies-oriented reception theory, and the history of literature, as well as transnational approach that goes beyond national framework. This research demonstrates that approximately 90 writers with migrant backgrounds, often writing in languages other than Finnish, Swedish or Sami, have published texts in Finland in the 2000s. Although many of them have been successful, most of them have continued working without due recognition hampered by prevailing monolingualism. New transnational literary works have been placed in rigid categories, and the reception has emphasized authors’ backgrounds and national borders, thus concealing the literary dimensions and qualities of their works. New transnational literature questions the understanding of literature as nation-bound. According to this study, Finnish literary life appears to be a transnational and multi-lingual space, in which writers simultaneously belong to both transnational and national literary cultures. The significance of gender is also evident, in that women writers and their books have had a pivotal role in the transnationalization of Finnish literature. / Tiivistelmä Globalisaatio, maahanmuutto ja yhteiskunnan monikulttuuristuminen ovat viime vuosikymmeninä luonnehtineet Suomea. Miten muuttunut kulttuuris-yhteiskunnallinen tilanne on vaikuttanut kirjalliseen elämään 2000-luvun alun Suomessa? Artikkeliväitöskirjassa tutkitaan suomalaisen kirjallisen elämän ylirajaistumista. Tätä hahmotellaan tarkastelemalla maahanmuuttajataustaisten kirjailijoiden julkaisemia tekstejä, joita kutsutaan tässä uudeksi ylirajaiseksi kirjallisuudeksi. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan myös teosten vastaanottoa, vastaanoton sisältämää suomalaisen kirjallisuuden määrittelyä ja kanonisointia sekä ylirajaisten kirjailijoiden sijoittumista kirjalliselle kentälle Suomessa. Pohtimalla sitä, miten tutkia kirjallisuuden ylirajaisuutta, tutkimus osallistuu kansainväliseen keskusteluun metodologisesta nationalismista. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu kaunokirjallisuudesta, erityisesti Ranya ElRamlyn, Umayya Abu-Hannan, Zinaida Lindénin ja Alexandra Salmelan esikoisteoksista, sekä internetissä ja printtimediassa julkaistusta, kirjallisuutta käsittelevästä tekstimateriaalista. Aineistoa lähestytään tekstilähtöisen ja yhteiskunnallisen kirjallisuudentutkimuksen, mediatutkimuksellisesti painottuneen vastaanottotutkimuksen, kirjallisuushistoriallisen tutkimuksen sekä kansallisesta kehyksestä irtaantuvan ylirajaisen lähestymistavan suunnista. Tutkimus tuo esille sen, miten Suomessa on 2000-luvun mittaan julkaissut erilaisia tekstejä noin 90 maahanmuuttajataustaista ja usein muulla kuin suomen-, ruotsin- tai saamen kielellä työskentelevää kirjailijaa. Vaikka moni on menestynyt hyvin, edelleen suurin osa työskentelee näkymättömissä erityisesti kieleen liittyvien esteiden keskellä. Vastaanotossa aineiston kirjallisuutta on aseteltu jähmeisiin kategorioihin ja kirjailijoiden maahanmuuttajuutta on tuotu esille, mikä on korostanut kansallisia rajoja ja häivyttänyt teosten kaunokirjallisia ulottuvuuksia. Uusi ylirajainen kirjallisuus on horjuttanut käsitystä kansallisesta kirjallisuudesta. Suomalainen kirjallinen elämä näyttäytyy tutkimuksessa transnationaalisena ja monikielisenä tilana, jossa kirjailijat kuuluvat sekä ylirajaisiin kirjallisiin yhteisöihin että kansallisiin kirjallisuuksiin. Tutkimusaineisto havainnollistaa myös sukupuolen merkitystä. Kirjailijanaisilla ja heidän teoksillaan on keskeinen rooli kirjallisuuden ylirajaistumisessa ja neuvotteluissa suomalaisesta kirjallisuudesta.