[pt] Este estudo define um modelo de dois países que seguem a estrutura exposta em Gertler-Karadi (2011) e formam uma união monetária. Estudamos o impacto de fricções financeiras e os efeitos de políticas monetárias não convencionais implementadas com escopo individual e geral nos países membros desta união. Mostramos que, se os parâmetros usados para limitar o balanço das instituições financeiras forem calibrados para permitir uma alavancagem mais alta, o maior acesso a capital leva a um produto que é, ao mesmo tempo, mais alto no steady state e mais frágil a choques de qualidade de capital. Também mostramos que níveis elevados de Home Bias levam a menos compartilhamento de riscos e a uma disseminação menor de choques idiosincráticos. Por fim, esse estudo também mostra que políticas monetárias não convencionais com escopo individual podem aumentar o bem-estar consideravelmente quando o Home Bias no sistema financeiro é elevado. / [en] This study lays-out a model with two countries that follow the DSGE framework with financial intermediaries set by Gertler-Karadi (2011) and form a monetary union. We study the impact of financial frictions and the effects of union-wide and country-specific unconventional monetary policies in the union s member countries. We show that, if the parameters used to limit balance sheet size are calibrated in a way to allow for higher leverage in the banking system, the easier access to capital leads to an Output level that is, at the same time, higher in the Steady State and more fragile to Capital Quality Shocks. It s also shown that high levels of home-bias lead to lower risk-sharing and lower dissemination of idiosyncratic shocks, which helps explaining why idiosyncratic shocks may cause highly persistent effects in the member countries. Finally, this study also shows that country-specific unconventional monetary policies can be considerably welfare increasing when home-bias in the financial system is high.

La présente thèse vise à décrire et analyser l’évolution ambigüe du rapport Souveraineté-Intégration dans les cadres européen et africain. A cet effet, elle révèle qu’un tel rapport est part d’un antagonisme de principe entre Souveraineté et Intégration mais débouche cependant sur des réalités différentes qui sont fonction du contexte précis de mise en application de cette relation. En effet, si au départ, on peut noter une certaine convergence de vue en Europe et en Afrique sur la nature antagonique des rapports entre Souveraineté et Intégration ; à l’arrivée, la pratique de l’intégration ne semble pas avoir conduit aux mêmes effets quant au sort de la souveraineté étatique dans les cadres européen et africain. En réalité, alors que la souveraineté de l’Etat a été fortement amoindrie par l’intégration dans l’UE, confirmant ainsi largement leur antagonisme de départ ; du côté africain, cette hypothèse initiale d’antagonisme a plutôt été compromise par la pratique car dans l’UEMOA et l’OHADA, l’opposition entre souveraineté et intégration s’est avérée largement ineffective. / This thesis aims to describe and analyze the ambiguous evolution of the Sovereignty-Integration report in the European and African frameworks. To this end, it reveals that such a relation started from an antagonism of principle between Sovereignty and Integration but nevertheless leads to different realities that depend on the precise context of the application of this relation. Indeed, while at the outset one can note a certain convergence of view in Europe and in Africa on the antagonistic nature of the relations between Sovereignty and Integration; the practice of integration seems to have led to contradictory effects on the fate of state sovereignty in the European and African frameworks. In facts, whereas sovereignty of States has been greatly diminished by integration in the EU, thus largely confirming their initial antagonism ; on the African side, this initial hypothesis of antagonism has rather been compromised by practice because in UEMOA and OHADA, the opposition between sovereignty and integration has proved largely ineffective.

Cette thèse est articulée autour de deux questions centrales visant à expliquer pourquoi et comment devrait être organisée la Complémentarité entre les Banques et les institutions spécialisées dans la Microfinance (CBM), afin de financer efficacement le développement dans les pays de l’UEMOA : l’Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest Africaine. Les aspects bancaires de la théorie de rattrapage économique de Gerschenkron sont adaptés au contexte de la prépondérance de l’économie informelle dans l’UEMOA. L’analyse empirique montre, quant à elle, que les secteurs bancaires et microfinanciers de l’UEMOA sont respectivement réfractaires et peu performants - en termes de rentabilité et d’impact social - pour l’autonomisation du processus de CBM. Relativement à la mise en oeuvre de la CBM, le cadre néoinstitutionnaliste de l’hybridité de la firme est mobilisé en vue d’intégrer et d’expliciter le rôle de l’autorité publique vis-à-vis des acteurs financiers privés, dont ceux du « mobile banking ». Par ailleurs, les « best practices » internationales dans la microfinance servent également de références empiriques et typologiques aux pays de l’UEMOA, en vue d’une coordination publique indirecte ou directe de la CBM. / This thesis is based on two central questions whose purpose is to explain why and how the institutional complementarity should be organized between banks and microfinance institutions (MFIs) to effectively finance the development process of WAEMU (West African Economic and Monetary Union) countries. The banking aspects of Gerschenkron’s catch-up theory are adapted to the large informal context of the WAEMU economies. At empirical level, the independent and private processes of Complementarity between Banks and Microfinance institutions (CBM) are scarce in WAEMU as long as banks avoid risks associated with adaptation to microfinance customers, and MFIs are not efficient for infrastructure modernization and expansion. Thus, to implement CBM processes, the neo-institutionalist framework of hybridity of the firm and the international best practices in microfinance are mobilized in order to clarify the role of public authorities towards private financial actors, including the mobile banking operators.

Chapter I - Derivative Market Competition: OTC Markets Versus Organized Derivative Exchanges  Recent regulatory initiatives in the United States have again raised the issue of a ''level regulatory and supervisory playing field'' and the degree of competition globally between over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives and organized derivative exchange (ODE) markets. This chapter models some important aspects of how an ODE market interrelates with the OTC markets. It analyzes various ways in which an ODE market can respond to competition from the OTC markets and considers whether ODE markets would actually benefit from a more level playing field. Among other factors, such as different transaction costs, different abilities to mitigate credit risk play a significant role in determining the degree of competition between the two types of markets. This implies that a potentially important service ODE markets can provide OTC market participants is to extend clearing services to them. Such services would allow the OTC markets to focus more on providing less competitive contracts/innovations and instead customize their contracts to specific investors’ risk preferences and needs.  Chapter II – Crisis Resolution and Private Sector Adaptation Efforts at crisis resolution that succeed in reducing potential inefficiencies and instability in the international financial system are in the interest of both the private and the public sector. Unlike in the domestic context, in the international context, in the absence of clearly established rules of the game, the approaches adopted toward crisis resolution, and the extent to which they are interpreted by market participants as setting a precedent, can have profound implications for the nature and structure of international capital flows. The key conclusion of this chapter is that recent experiences with payment suspensions and bond restructurings are limited as guides to determining the future success or failures of these initiatives, as the private sector most likely has adapted in order to minimize any unwanted public sector involvement. Chapter III - European Equity Market Integration: Cyclical or Structural? Reviewing the empirical evidence of equity market integration in the European Union, the chapter finds a significant increase in the importance of global sector factors for a number of industries. Unlike most past studies, which only covered developments during the bull market of the late nineties, the results presented in this chapter suggest that the degree of Euroland equity market integration has declined gradually following the bursting of the TMT bubble. This seems to suggest that the findings of previous studies that Euroland equity markets were nearly fully financially integrated is worth revisiting. There are, however, several good reasons to believe that the structural factors driving European equity market integration have yet to play themselves out fully. Institutional investors both outside the Euroland area and within have substantial untapped capacity to take on Euroland exposures and invest additionally in Euroland equities. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2004

《穩定暨成長協定》（Stability and Growth Pact, SGP）作為歐洲經濟暨貨幣同盟（Economic and Monetary Union, EMU）財政紀律框架之核心規範，其有效實行是確保EMU會員國財政穩定並使EMU穩健運作之重要關鍵。本研究之研究目的，即在於透過對SGP的立法背景、實行成效與SGP在2005年及2010年經歷的兩次改革內容進行分析，以了解EMU財政紀律發展趨勢及政策啟示。 本研究之研究成果顯示，自1997年SGP制定至今，EMU財政規範始終是以「補漏洞」的方式進行。歐盟非中央化的財政政策是EMU財政規範的有效實行必須期待各會員國善意遵守的根本原因。這項缺陷也使得部分EMU會員國重新思考建立財政同盟的可能。然由於財政同盟代表的是要求EMU各會員國進一步放棄國家主權中的財政自主權，在仍有會員國對此表示疑慮的前提下，歐盟財政治理未來的發展趨勢仍值得吾人持續觀察。 / As a key rule of the fiscal governance frameworks of European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), the effective implementation of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) is a guarantee of both the fiscal stability of the EMU Member States and the well-function of the EMU. The main purpose of this thesis is to explore the trends of the EMU fiscal disciplines and the messages the EMU fiscal policies deliver through analysis of the background of the SGP, the practice of the SGP and the two modifications to SGP in 2005 and 2010 respectively. The result of this thesis shows that the EMU fiscal governance has been keeping fixing problems ex post facto since the SGP entered into force. And the decentralised fiscal policies explain why the effective implementation of SGP is relying on the willingness of the EMU Member States to follow the rules. This defect makes some of the EMU Member States to reconsider to build a fiscal union, which means to yield the fiscal sovereignty to the EU. Since there are still some EMU Member States concerning over the idea, the future of the EMU fiscal governance is still developing.

The study examines the European coverage in four leading Nordic newspapers during two periods in 1993 and in 1996. During the first period, three countries were negotiating for membership in the European Union. During the second period, work on a new European Constitution was ongoing, to be negotiated by the Intergovernmental Conference at the end of the period. Two of the applicant countries, Finland and Sweden, were then members of the union since Jan 1, 1995. Voters in the third country, Norway, opted to stay outside the union. Norway is, however closely linked to the union by the previous EEA agreement. Finally, the fourth country, Denmark, had limited its longstanding membership in four important areas. Results of the main study in 1993 indicate a great difference in the degree of Europeanness of the coverage of European affairs, as indicated by the share of European issues, sources, players, institutions etc. The Danish paper, the Politiken, was on all counts genuinely European in its coverage. This could, to begin with, be understood in terms of a relational context - Denmark was a member of the European Community, the other countries were not. In 1996, as could be expected, the Norwegian paper, the Aftenposten, reduced its coverage of European affairs to about half the previous volume, the Finnish and Swedish papers, the Hufvudstadsbladet and the Dagens Nyheter, increased their volumes to new highs. The Danish paper maintained its previously comparatively high volume of European coverage, and was still distinctly more European in its outlook on transnational politics. This could be understood in terms of a new Maturity proposition - it may take a long time for the national media to come to terms with a new political environment. The study also puts forward the proposition that Danish political culture requires a different coverage of European affairs, and also requires an opportunity to discuss and evaluate European politics. On a theoretical level, the study supports the idea that national experience, historical and relational contexts influence media content. National agendas powerfully determine the orientation of transnational political communication . Three in-depth studies by and large confirm results from the content analysis. A separate exercise inspired by Grounded Theory gives rise to three theoretical concepts that seem to be fundamental dimensions of European political communication: Legitimacy (media coverage contributes to status conferral and encourages deliberation of cooperation as an idea), Participation (media coverage as expressions of intrinsical and instrumental motives for joining and taking responsibility towards European cooperation), and Mondialization/Universalism (media coverage of Europe's efforts in the global arena) / digitalisering@umu

Why has not Britain joined euro until now? This is an attractive issue. The purpose of this paper is to realize the real reasons. Hence, this paper analyzes the euro policies of Thatcher Government, Major Government and Blair Government. Before interpreting British euro policies, this paper explains the process of British EU membership. In addition, this paper introduces the story of EMU which is relative to euro. Most importantly, here this paper takes ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework as a study tool to examine British euro policies. Through ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework, this paper proposes many factors affecting British euro policies, including ¡§goodness of fit,¡¨ ¡¨veto players,¡¨ ¡§timing,¡¨ ¡¨political beliefs and organizational cultures,¡¨ ¡§the costs of institution changing¡¨ and so on. Thus, this paper concludes that Britain hasn¡¦t joined euro until now owing to many factors.

Bremen, Universität, Thesis (doctoral), 2002.

Throughout the Eurozone’s economic crisis, little attention has been given to wage-setting practices. This lack of attention is surprising given that wages have been considered an important instrument for managing the economy in a currency union since the 1960s and have even been emphasized in successive blueprints for Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Recent scholarship has found differences in wage-setting practices a key feature distinguishing healthy and crisis-stricken Eurozone countries. Indeed, in this emerging literature, countries that coordinate wages effectively have remained competitive under EMU and had fewer troubles in responding to the crisis, while those with weakly-coordinated wages have struggled mightily. In effect, this literature finds differences in EMU members’ wage-setting regimes at the heart of the economic crisis now facing the Eurozone and the trade imbalances between its Northern and Southern members. However, very little work has examined the specifics of individual labour market models under EMU. Indeed, while this new literature on wage setting and the crisis places wage setting models at its centre, it does not delve into the differences among highly coordinated systems. This oversight is problematic given that scholars of monetary union have suggested that the single currency may amplify the effects of subtle differences in national socioeconomic models, while others have suggested that EMU may be corrosive to some labour market models that coordinate wage setting. This study addresses this gap in the literature, dissecting labour market models by the mechanisms that deliver horizontal and vertical coordination, as well as the indicators to which they are calibrated. Using this framework, it then traces the experiences of Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands under EMU, who use very different mechanisms to coordinate wages. It argues that while EMU has exacerbated longstanding problems in the Belgian wage-bargaining system, it has had little impact upon the German and Dutch systems. Rather, underlying changes in the institutions that manage wage setting in these countries, and changes in social partner organizations – particularly the trade unions – are far more consequential for their continued functioning under EMU. More broadly, these findings suggest that in fact, many designs of highly coordinated wage setting are capable of managing pressures from the single currency. For those Eurozone countries currently refashioning their labour market models, tighter coordination may be just as viable an option as dismantling their wage-bargaining institutions. / Graduate / 0615 / ifdumka@gmail.com

Syftet är att undersöka om Sverige tillsammans med ett eller flera av de nordiska länderna kan utgöra en optimal valutaunion. Utifrån ett svenskt perspektiv visar resultaten att det är lämpligast för Sverige att ingå i en valutaunion med Norge och Danmark eftersom den ekonomiska integrationen mellan dessa länder har varit störst. Taylors ränteregel visar att Sverige och Norges räntebanor samvarier mest och Optimal currency area-index (OCA-index) visar att Sverige, Danmark och Norge präglas av störst ekonomisk integration. Vi har använt två olika metoder för att undersöka en optimal nordisk valutaunion utifrån ett svenskt perspektiv, OCA-index och Taylors ränteregel. De båda tillvägagångssätten fokuserar på hur ekonomiskt integrerade länderna är, men genom olika variabler och ekonomiska storheter. Ett OCA-index har skapats och skattningen visar att variabeln som beskriver konjunkturcykeln är den som har störst inverkan på den beroende variabeln, växelkursvolatilitet. För att undersöka hur de nordiska länderna har påverkats av chocker har taylor-räntor beräknats och skillnader i korrelation har analyserats. Analysen visar på svårigheter i att mäta ekonomisk integration, något som OCA-teorin hävdar är viktigt för en optimal valutaunion. Beroende på vilken utgångspunkt som väljs varierar resultatet för vilket land Sverige skulle kunna bilda en optimal valutaunion med. Resultaten skiljer sig från tidigare forskning, delvis i tolkningen av variabeln för exportsektorsammansättning och delvis på grund av den studerade tidsperioden. / The aim is to investigate if Sweden constitutes a possible optimal currency area with one or more of the Nordic countries. The results show that Norway and Denmark are the two most suitable partners to join Sweden in a currency union since the economic integration between these countries is the strongest. The Taylor interest rate rule indicates that the interest rate paths between Sweden and Norway correlate the most. The variables in the optimal currency area-index (OCA-index) show that it is Sweden, Denmark and Norway that enjoys the strongest economic integration and therefore constitutes a possible optimal currency area. Two different methods have been used to investigate the possibility of an optimal currency area; the OCA-index and the Taylor interest rate rule. Both methods focus on the level of economic integration between the countries but do this by assessing different economic variables. The OCA-index has been compiled and the estimation indicates that the variable describing the business cycle has the greatest impact on the dependent variable, exchange rate volatility. In order to examine how the Nordic countries have been affected by shocks, Taylor interest rates have been calculated and differences in correlation have been examined. The conducted analysis points toward difficulties measuring economic integration, which according to the OCA-theory is important for an optimal currency union. There are several consistencies between the results of the two methods but also important differences such as which country would be the best partner in a currency union with Sweden. The findings differ from earlier scientific results mostly regarding the interpretation of the variable describing the export sectorial composition and the considered time period.