South African political elites framed the country’s successful bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup in terms of nation-building, evoking imagery of South African unity. Yet, a pre-season tournament in 2008 featuring the two glamour soccer clubs of South Africa, Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates, and the global brand of Manchester United, revealed a racially fractured soccer fandom that contradicted these notions of national unity through soccer. This thesis examines the racial divisions in Johannesburg soccer fandom, exploring the continuing wider importance of racial identities in post-apartheid South Africa. Sport is not merely a leisure activity but a space in which everyday identities are negotiated and contested. Specifically, soccer in South Africa has been a site in which racial divisions have been both entrenched and subverted, spanning the colonial era to the present day. However, in focusing on race, this thesis seeks to move beyond simple binaries that have characterised the debates on identity in South Africa; particularly race versus class. Race, through the perspective of creolisation, becomes unfixed and fluid. However, despite reinterpreting race, racial divisions still scar the post-apartheid city. Extensive ethnographic fieldwork with the supporters’ organisations of Kaizer Chiefs, Bidvest Wits and Manchester United football clubs in Johannesburg draws out narratives of fandom often marginalised in Africanist scholarship. Drawing on wide-ranging sources including participant observation, semi-structured interviews and local newspapers, themes of racial difference and otherness emerge. The divided Johannesburg soccer landscape reinforced feelings of disenfranchisement and marginalisation in everyday life from the predominantly white Manchester United supporters while the exclusively black Kaizer Chiefs constructed the domestic game as a black cultural space. While Bidvest Wits offers a symbolic case of multi-racial interaction, certain supporters began to challenge such fractures; some United supporters showed interest in attending domestic games while the Chiefs supporters viewed the researcher as a conduit to attracting these white supporters. Furthermore, the national euphoria generated during 2010 World Cup did temporarily alter perspectives of the city and how the supporters travelled through it, challenging perceived barriers. Yet, themes of exclusion and division remained, brought back to the fore after the tournament.

This thesis investigates how the news media constructs reality through newspaper representation of the role of a hero in society and a hero's loyalty to the nation. The research is based on a case study of New Zealand newspapers and how they framed Russell Coutts' role in the America's Cup 2003. Russell Coutts was the leading figure of "Team New Zealand"in 1995 and in 2000 when his team won and defended the America's Cup. He was praised by New Zealand newspapers as a hero during the time he led "Team New Zealand"from one victory to another. But, after the victory in 2000, Russell Coutts signed a contract with the rival team "Alinghi"and the framing of his heroic role in the New Zealand press changed. He became a defector from his team and he was framed as a traitor to his own country. Using discourse studies and semiotics as the main theoretical and methodological background, this thesis analyzes how the process of news framing is influenced by the rules of journalistic practice and by the wider social environment. The thesis explores how news values blend with mythological narrative in journalists' daily routine of producing news stories that both construct reality and reaffirm society's dominant values. The study reveals that the re-presentation of the nation in the news media is a simplified construction of an ideal and transcendental identity. Consequently, the role of the hero is framed as a representation of that ideal, and the hero is framed as a loyal leader - someone who should lead, not challenge, society's rules. The thesis discusses the news media's power to define identity by questioning a prominent individual's loyalty to the nation. The research illustrates that even a hero whose position is firmly established within the particular society can be radically re-defined if that hero is not following the expectations of the press and the rules of the society

This thesis analyses the power relations operating within the field of Canadian national identity, the permissible subject positions within it, and the political claims enabled by such positions. It contributes to a field of interdisciplinary study on these questions by arguing that national identity in Canada is a problem animated by the logic of the sovereign form of authority. An analysis of state-authorized discourse demonstrates the power relations between the Normative Canadian and National Other subject positions, which reduce Indigenous peoples, the Québécois, and ethnoculturalized individuals into intelligible subjects of recognition and sovereign decisions. An account of those limits and conditions of possibility of Canadian national identity susceptible to modification and transgression is offered to conclude. / Graduate / 0615 / tchartrand@gmail.com

In most texts about Hawaiian history, the Hawaiian Kingdom was overthrown in 1893. Hawai'i, as a result, was then governed first by a Provisional Government, then by the Republic of Hawai'i. Such texts further note that in 1898, Hawai'i was annexed to the United States and, subsequently, became the State of Hawai'i through a vote of the people in 1959. This dissertation examines Hawaiian history from a different perspective, one based on the issue of 'legality', and on documentation that surfaced in the 1990s that challenges the United States' claim to annexation of Hawai'i. The illegality of the takeover by haole businessmen, the resistance of Queen Lili'uokalani and her loyal subjects to the takeover, statements by then-President Grover Cleveland referencing the overthrow as an "Act of War," in many ways set the tone for the present-day sovereignty movement. Highlighted are some of the activities within the Hawaiian sovereignty movement during the 1990s and the first few years of this century that are turning points in the struggle for Hawaiian sovereignty. Identified spokespersons for the movement are extensively cited, as well as individuals with strong but thoughtful opinions. Many of the citations used were gathered and saved from emails or from relevant websites. Prophecy, and the acknowledgement of spirituality as a grounding force in a unified movement, is a significant element, and serves to remind activists, and especially Hawaiian activists, that the work to re-establish the nation can only succeed if it is based in Hawaiian cultural concepts that are pono (correct or in proper relationship). Maintaining 'right relationships' between the people, the heavens and the earth is necessary to successfully carry forward the reclaimed Hawaiian nation and the identity of the people as Hawaiian nationals, as the Queen directed a century ago. Most importantly, it allows those involved in the struggle to see themselves, not as victims, but as masters of their own fate.

No description available.

The main purpose of this study was to explore how second-generation young adults with foreign background understand their ethnic identities and how they relate to their national identities. Semi-structured interviews with 7 second-generation young adults with foreign background were conducted. The basis for our analysis was social identity theory, identity theory and previous research. As the result shows, the participants in this study had developed an understanding of their ethnic identities in relation to their national identities based on influential factors. The influential factors that elicited these understandings of their ethnic identities in relation to their national identities were: influential people and cultural influences. On the basis of these influential factors, it had become easier for some participants to identify themselves more with their ethnic identities. However, for other participants, the understanding of their ethnic identities did not influence their feelings of belongingness to the host society, which means they have considered themselves to belong to both their ethnic and national identities. For those participants who could not identify themselves with both their ethnic identities and relate to their national identities chose to identify themselves with something else, which in this case religion.

The social and political history of Catalonia has long been dominated by debates about language, nation and identity and forty years of linguistic and cultural repression have impacted the sociocultural landscape of the region. The new millennium and new nationalist/gendered identities in the context of changing patterns of migration, growing multiculturalism and economic crisis have led to a resurgence of nationalism and renewed demands for Catalan independence since 2010. Adopting oral history as a central method, this thesis examines language, nation and identity from a gendered perspective and investigates to what extent women use Catalan in their everyday social practices to construct gendered and national identities. The focus of the study is three female 'generations' from one Catalan village. It covers 50 years of historical change from the 1960s to the present. The thesis explores women’s contribution to the preservation of Catalan language during Franco's regime (1939-75); how the emergence of a feminist movement and discourse, and changing patterns of migration, have transformed the relationship between gender and national identity in Catalonia; and the role that Catalan plays today in defining women's (individual) identities and as a nation-building tool. Previous research has not considered an intergenerational approach and this study addresses this gap. Drawing on theories of nationalism, gender and nation and language ideologies, I adopt a new analytical approach incorporating discourse analysis and small story research to examine the narratives of 40 oral history interviews and a corpus of social media data. In order to organise the diverse themes in my data I develop a spatial framework in which I identify three principal spaces: physical, ideological and temporal. Mainstream and political discourse exemplify the Catalan nation as civic, intercultural and tolerant. This study challenges these canonical beliefs. The findings reveal ethnolinguistic ideologies and a complex divergence/convergence of issues surrounding migration that are difficult to reconcile with official discourse. Specifically the findings provide insights into some of the issues of inclusion and exclusion that are absent in political and nationalist discourse and suggests that an increased understanding of cultural pluralism at a local level can be abstracted to the Catalan community as a whole.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-12-05Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:45Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 melo_cs_me_assis.pdf: 772808 bytes, checksum: 15be4de8b0251cbc544b635c498cb712 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O caipira desde os idos do século XIX foi amplamente representado sob formas diversas nas artes. Neste trabalho apresentaremos as representações da personagem caipira presentes num variado número de textos teatrais encenados na cidade de São Paulo, no período compreendido grosso modo pela Primeira República. Ingênuo, incivilizado, portador de uma linguagem diferenciada, são algumas das características dessa personagem; porém, a sua faceta de espertalhão, embromador, também se faz presente. Muitas vezes, é desse modo contraditório que o caipira aparece nessa produção teatral, como também eram contraditórios os desejos dos autores que o compunham. Seja na roça, no sertão ou na cidade o caipira traz à tona os impasses e dilemas de parte da elite letrada brasileira num período de construção da identidade nacional da jovem República. Analisaremos também, sumariamente, como algumas peças teatrais que trazem o caipira em suas tramas foram caracterizadas sob a designação de “teatro regionalista” em importantes obras da historiografia teatral brasileira. / The backwoods man since the end of nineteenth century was widely explored under a lot of ways in the arts. In this work, we will present the representations of backwoods man character in the great number of dramatic texts have played in São Paulo city, during the period between 1900 and 1930. Ingenuous, uncivilized, owner of a different speech, are some of characteristics of this character; however, the backwoods man was too smart and clever. Many times, this contradictory way was utilized to present these character, moreover, were contradictories the desires of their writers. As much in the roça or sertão, as in the city the backwoods man brought to the present the doubts and dilemmas of part of intellectual Brazilian elite during the period of identification construction in 1910’s and 1920’s. We will analyses, also, suminly up, lilke some plays which brought the backwoods man in scene, were classified under the designation of “regionalista” in important works of the brazilian theatrical historiography.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-06-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:03:25Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 corsi_ms_dr_assis.pdf: 1329512 bytes, checksum: 6a41ef9904009dd8b26191d43add26db (MD5) / Neste trabalho, averiguamos em que medida a identidade nacional forjada pelo Romantismo de José de Alencar pôde ser retomada (ou ampliada) no filme O Guarani (1996), de Norma Bengell. Através de um discurso essencialmente verbal, o romancista apresenta um contexto sócio-histórico-ideológico da nação brasileira, tendo na descrição da paisagem e na composição dos perfis do colonizador e do indígena alguns dos elementos-chave para a constituição da identidade do país. No filme, dispondo de recursos áudio(verbo)visuais, Bengell retoma os elementos componentes da construção da identidade nacional proposta por Alencar, com a focalização abrangente das matas, da silhueta do indígena e dos colonizadores. A partir de conceitos da Teoria da Literatura, da Teoria Crítica e da teoria bakhtiniana sobre a enunciação, propomos uma análise das imagens verbais e verbo-visuais do texto cinematográfico O Guarani em comparação com o romance homônimo de Alencar (1857). Nessa investigação, pautada especialmente nas leituras de Bakhtin (1992; 1997; 1998) e Adorno (1991), averiguamos se a transposição da linguagem alencariana para o cinema retoma e/ou amplia os elementos constituintes da identidade nacional proveniente da posição ideológica dos românticos. A nossa proposta procura compreender o modo como se efetua essa adaptação do discurso verbal para o discurso áudio(verbo)visual, na descrição e interpretação desses textos. A fim de esclarecer o funcionamento dos mecanismos discursivos e imagéticos acionados pela composição cinematográfica, analisamos a relação entre os enunciados do filme e a retomada de elementos constitutivos... / In this work, we inquire how much the national identity proposed by the romantic writer Jose de Alencar can be retaken or extended in the movie The Guarani (1996), by Norma Bengell. Through an essentially verbal speech, the novel writer presents a sociologichistoric- ideological context of the Brazilian nation. It is presented by the description of the landscape and the composition of the profiles of the colonizers and the indigenous people, and some of the key elements for the constitution of the identity of the country. In the film, making use of audio(verb)visual resources, Bengell retakes these elements of the national identity proposed by Alencar focusing it in the forests, on the indigenous people and on the colonizers. From concepts of the Theory of Literature, of the Critical Theory and the Theory of Bakhtin on articulation, we consider an analysis of the verbal images and verbappearances of the cinematographic text of The Guarani in comparison with the homonym romance of Alencar (1857). In this inquiry, based specially in the readings of Bakhtin (1992, 1997, 1998) and Adorno (1991), we inquire if the transposition of Alencar's language retakes and/or extends the constituent elements of the national identity proceeding from the ideological position of the romantic ones. Our proposal looked for to understand how this adaptation of the verbal speech to the audio(verb)visual speech occurs, in the description and interpretation of these texts. In order to clarify the function of the mechanisms of the speech and mechanism of image set for the cinematographic composition, we analyze the relationship between... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

This thesis focuses on national identity, constructed and represented in Poland’s media, and analyzes three daily newspapers which are diverse in their orientations as follows: Catholic Nasz Dziennik, pro-establishment business-conservative Rzeczpospolita, and independent center-left Gazeta Wyborcza. The research questions are how Gazeta Wyborcza, Nasz Dziennik, and Rzeczpospolita constitute national identity in content and what differences there are in identity construction in Gazeta Wyborcza, Nasz Dziennik, and Rzeczpospolita. The method is quantitative content analysis. It was found out that the Polish media employ a broad spectrum of identity construction strategies which could be defined as identification with and antagonizing from the European Union, redefining and creating new meanings of past events. The prevalent identity represented in the media is an identity of a civic and law-abiding democratic society. This identity is an outcome of political struggles in the country since 1989. The differences between three media types are minor: the media lack one established identity agenda and media content tends to depict the national identity as ambivalent. / <p>SPSS file https://drive.google.com/file/d/1GneVcb7iv2z0tUEIeNCAjJm6gQBPeJk7/view</p>