Nosso estudo procura mostrar o possível papel da obra de Ardengo Soffici na formação do pensamento estético de Mário de Andrade, sob a perspectiva da identidade artística nacional. Considerando o contexto histórico no qual os dois intelectuais operaram, em que se assistiu à afirmação e o desenvolvimento do nacionalismo na Itália e no Brasil, tentamos apresentar como o problema da identidade artística nacional se manifesta dentro da formação artístico-literaria dos dois escritores. A partir das obras de Soffici presentes na biblioteca de Mário de Andrade, acompanhamos a leitura crítica que o intelectual brasileiro fazia dos textos de Soffici; de maniera específica, estudamos o conceito de futurismo assim como se desenvolve nas obras teóricas Primi principi di una estetica futurista (1920) e em A Escrava que não é Isaura (1925) e, tendo em vista a relacão entre modernidade e tradição e aquela entre cosmopolitismo e nacionalismo, analisamos alguns poemas de Pauliceia desvairada (1922) e de BIF&ZF+18. Simultaneità e Chimismi Lirici (1919). A seguir, buscamos apresentar, na crítica de arte de Ardengo Soffici e Mário de Andrade, o desenvolvimento do problema da identidade artística nacional ao longo da primeira e da segunda década do século XX e sua evolução durante a época da ditadura na Itália e no Brasil. / The possible role of Ardengo Sofficis work in shaping Mário de Andrades aesthetic thought, from the perspective of a national artistic identity, was reviewed. The historical context in which these two intellectuals operated sees the development and affirmation of nationalism in Italy and Brazil. We present how the problem of national artistic identity manifests itself within the artistic and literary formation of the two writers. From the works of Soffici kept in Mário de Andrades library, we analyze the critical reading the Brazilian intellectual made of Sofficis texts. In particular, we study the concept of futurism as it develops in the theoretical works Primi principi di una estetica futurista (1920) and in A Escrava que não é Isaura (1925) and we analyze some poems of Pauliceia desvairada (1922) and BIF&ZF+18. Simultaneità e Chimismi Lirici (1919), considering the relationship between modernity and tradition and between cosmopolitanism and nationalism. This work discusses the question of national artistic identity in Ardengo Soffici and Mário de Andrade writings as art critics during the first and the second decade of the XX century and its evolution during the dictatorship in Italy and Brazil.

Orientador: Sírio Possenti / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T01:44:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vilela-Ardenghi_AnaCarolinaNunesdaCunha_D.pdf: 4116045 bytes, checksum: 91005fd1da4528800d994be24c8a0652 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A partir do modo de circulação da cristalização do que chamamos aqui de espaço nacional, este trabalho debruçou-se sobre o estudo dos estereótipos, assumidos não como algo "engessante" ou redutor, mas como uma regularização, efeito de retomadas, paráfrases e repetições que levam ao "esquecimento" da origem enunciativa. Entendemos o espaço nacional como uma paisagem "típica" associada a um país, ou, em outros termos, aquilo que é tomado como sendo a melhor representação do espaço físico desse país. No caso brasileiro, historicamente, a imagem construída é a do próprio "paraíso terreal" e ela tem particular importância na medida em que, como aponta Chauí (2006), funciona como um "mito fundador", uma narrativa que não cessa de ser retomada e que impõe um vínculo interno com um passado de origem que, paradoxalmente, nunca cessa de existir, mantendo-se sempre perene. O corpus reunido para esta pesquisa ¿ proveniente do turismo e da moda ¿ atesta essa perenidade. Para analisá-lo, mobilizamos, de início, o conceito de pré-construído que, conforme sugerem Amossy & Pierrot (2005), é um aporte teórico importante ¿ e talvez insuficientemente explorado ¿ para o estudo dos estereótipos do interior do quadro teórico-metodológico da Análise do Discurso (AD). Embora tenha, de fato, mostrado ser um conceito relevante para a apreensão do modo de funcionamento dos estereótipos, os dados provam também que não pode haver uma relação direta ¿ ou exclusiva ¿ entre estereótipos e pré-construídos. Para além destes, os estereótipos relacionam-se, como mostram as análises do corpus, a simulacros e cenas validadas (Maingueneau, 2002). Do ponto de vista metodológico, a apreensão do corpus reunido suscitou um conjunto de reflexões em torno da proposta de Maingueneau (2006) para a noção de formação discursiva enquanto uma unidade não tópica de análise / Abstract: From the circulation mode of crystallization of what we here call a national space, this work focused on the study of stereotypes, undertaken not as something "limiting" or as a reducer, but as a regularization, due to retakes, paraphrases and repetitions that lead to "oblivion" of the original enunciation. We understand the national space as a "typical" landscape associated with a country, or, in other terms, that which is taken as being the best representation of the physical space of this country. In the Brazilian case, historically, the image is built from the "earthly paradise" and it is of particular importance to the extent that, as observed by Chauí (2006), works as a "founding myth", a narrative that does not cease to be retaken and imposing an internal link with a past of origin which, paradoxically, never ceases to exist, remaining perennial. The corpus assembled for this study ¿ from tourism and fashion ¿ testifies this perpetuity. To analyze it, we mobilized, at first, the concept of pre-construed, that, as suggested by Amossy & Pierrot (2005), is an important theoretical contribution ¿ and perhaps insufficiently explored ¿ for the study of stereotypes within the theoretical methodological framework of Discourse Analysis (DA). Although, in fact, shown to be a relevant concept for the apprehension of the mode of operation of the stereotypes, the data prove also that there cannot be a direct ¿ or exclusive ¿ relationship between stereotypes and the pre-construed. In addition to these, stereotypes relate, as shown by the analysis of the corpus, the simulacra and validated scenes (Maingueneau, 2002). From the methodological point of view, the gathering of the corpus brought about a set of reflections around the proposition of Maingueneau (2006) for the notion of the discursive formation as a non topic analysis unit / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutora em Linguística

This study aims to answer two interlinked central questions with respect to Montenegrins’ divide over statehood and identity: Why and how Montenegrins, whom were once called ‘the purest and the best of Serbs’, sought to end their century-long common state experience with Serbia and instead establish their own nation-state in 2006, and what explains the rise of Montenegrin national identity and its transformation into nationalism? In attempting to answer these questions, it traces the historical development of Montenegrin national thought dating back to the early 20th century when Montenegro was annexed by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Through the use and examination of opinion polls, newspaper articles, political and ethno-cultural state policies implemented by the ruling political elites, and their interviews, public speeches, and press conferences, this study also seeks to unveil how Montenegrin-ness evolved over time. The central argument running through this thesis is that Montenegrin nationalism as a political phenomenon was precipitated through elite competition. In their competition over social, political, or economic resources, the Montenegrin elites, through the implementation of political and ethno-cultural state policies and the active use of media outlets, managed to turn certain facts and events into points of reference for the citizens of Montenegro in the way they identify themselves. Thus, those events have become the basis of people’s belonging to a certain community and helped demarcate that specific community (Montenegrins) from that of Serbs. Backed by the reconstructed meaning of Montenegrin-ness, this emerging Montenegrin national consciousness facilitated the breakup with Serbia and the declaration of independence on 21 May 2006.

The Grand Tour is known to scholars as a significant period of travel in which members of English society could immerse themselves in the foreign, while also adhering to established social customs. Scholarship previously regarded the Grand Tour as an intellectual journey for aristocratic Englishmen; however, an incorporation of women into this narrative has introduced many new and important themes that merit further study. Women’s increasing participation in the Grand Tour, which gained in popularity in the eighteenth century, reveals many unique aspects of British society in the period. The integration of women into the Tour is also an indication of increased mobility for an emerging class of Britons who sought amusement and distinction abroad. Cultural identity played an active role in not only shaping the traveler’s experience but also in dictating how travelers represented themselves on their journey. Traveler’s served as cultural intermediaries that represented their country while abroad and transported aspects of the foreign societies they encountered home with them. While cultural identity certainly shaped perceptions of travelers, this work endeavors to bring into focus additional points of analysis and emphasize emerging areas of study. The appropriation of foreign objects and the significance of their integration into domestic life and social practices, the pursuit of amusement and that pursuit’s influence on the Tour experience, and the essential role played by the body as another category of experience in travel are all areas of interest and focus in this additional interpretation of the Grand Tour.

Cultural policy research typically emphasises national and local policies in its studies, while studies of subnational and regional policies tend to be less common. Between the levels of country and city, however, there is a vast array of cultural policy-types that is often cast aside or underrepresented in the literature – this, despite the fact that a number of prominent subnational governments of national minorities have been extremely active in developing their own cultural policies and institutions. Unlike their national or local counterparts, however, these subnational governments often contend with an additional layer of complexity when developing cultural policies, as their history and their population differ from that of their country’s cultural majority – which often leads to a different understanding and appreciation of their cultural identity and sense of nationalism. It is with this complexity and difference in mind that this thesis examines the cultural policies developed and implemented by subnational governments expressing a different national identity from that of their country – in particular, the Canadian province of Québec, the United Kingdom nation of Scotland, and the Spanish region of Catalonia – with the purpose of exploring the ways in which cultural policies are used to shape and influence a sense of cultural identity. Drawing on the economies of worth framework elaborated by Boltanski and Thévenot and the theory of governmentality developed by Foucault, this thesis developed a type analysis of cultural policy for national minorities as a means of exploring not only the ways in which their policies differ from that of their majority counterparts, but to offer a unique understanding of their culture and cultural/social predicament. Through its type analysis, this thesis found that the cultural policies of national minorities exhibited a unique trend in terms of: their application of the cultural industries as vehicles for the development and growth of their cultural/national identities; their support of culture and art as drivers of economic development and social cohesion; and their appraisal of artists and cultural producers as symbolic and literal ambassadors of cultural identity both nationally and internationally. More specifically, far from simply introducing policies that endeavour to preserve and protect cultural traditions and heritages as it has long been suspected, national minorities are developing policies that emphasise the creative aspects of culture and seek to grow their cultures identities through the production and dissemination of new works or forms of culture and art. In other words, the cultural policies of national minorities exhibit a discursive temporality: there is an acute awareness and appreciations of the culture of the past, juxtaposed by approaches to culture that seek to ensure the culture continues (and evolves) beyond the present.

In political and popular discourse about immigration and integration, Europe is referred to as both fundamentally secular and fundamentally Christian depending on the context. Even if only a minority of the population in many Western European countries actually practise their religion, many continue to identify with Christianity as cultural tradition, without the beliefs and practice one would normally associate with a religious identity. Few empirical studies have analysed the relationship between religious and national identities in modern Europe. Using a combination of qualitative interviews and quantitative survey research with data from the International Social Survey Programme 2008 in Great Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark and Ireland, this thesis explores how religious affiliation, belief and practice are associated with anti-immigration attitudes and regarding Christianity as important for nationality. Factor analysis is used to explore different dimensions of national identity and how they relate to religious conceptions of the nation, and multivariate regression models address how experiencing immigration as a threat to national identity is associated with Christian affiliation and practice. The main finding is that Christian identification is positively associated with seeing immigration as a threat to national identity, whereas churchgoing is negatively associated with anti-immigration attitudes. There are two identifiable mechanisms that explain this finding. Firstly, 'Christian' can signify national cultural heritage or white ethnicity rather than faith. Hence those who identify as Christian, however loosely, are on average more likely to be nationalist or xenophobic. Secondly, since churchgoers will be more sympathetic to religion in general they also tend to be less negative towards Muslims and other religious minorities. The findings are contextualised through the use of qualitative interviews and comparative analysis of countries, addressing both the external influences and internal experiences that contribute to specific associations.

This dissertation explores the construction of Filipino national identity by examining the Philippine national government’s appropriation of Filipino Martial Arts (FMA) between 1975 and 2010. FMA’s nationalization offers a window into the larger dynamics of nation-building in the Philippines. Having been colonized for nearly four centuries (1565-1946), the Philippine national government reified the Filipino nation by appropriating older symbols as national ones, and with the purpose of articulating a unique Filipino national identity. The nationalization of FMA is analyzed using Benedict Anderson’s constructivist interpretation of nations as ‘imagined communities’. The dissertation argues that in order to understand the logic behind the national government’s nation-building project using FMA, Filipino postcolonial anxieties over national identity (or their perceived lack of) must be taken into consideration. In this regard, FMA’s nationalization is engaged with Anthony Smith’s concept of the ethnie (ethnic community). Studying the history of how decentralized indigenous martial arts practice became institutionalized in FMA clubs, the dissertation finds that FMA as an ethnographic concept was formulated mainly since the 1970s in consonance with its commercialization, increasing popularity and nationalization. By looking at how national identity is represented in FMA films and in reconstructions of the national hero Lapulapu, the dissertation argues that FMA practitioners seek to highlight their localized identities by inserting their own symbols and interpretations into the national identity being articulated. This process, termed the ‘reverse appropriation’ of nationalism, was a way for FMA clubs to preserve their local institutions and identities from being totally consumed by the nationalization and nation-building project.

This study examines the process of establishing and building the new South African Constitutional Court as the first intervention in the development of the Constitutional Hill precinct and as part of an endeavour aimed at creating a new national identity. The argument is reliant on the premise that an agency, in this case the judges of the constitutional court, actively seeking out means of transforming space and place and transferring significances in heritage resources, has contributed self-consciously in the process of social transformation. The study is intended to be descriptive of a social reality and explanatory of a special atypical case. Pierre Nora's seminal concept involving lieux de mémoire, their spatial and material potential, and the means by which lieux are formed and retained as lieux (memory objects/vessels/vestiges of heritage) has framed this study. The premise that space and place embodies and transmits concepts of cultural heritage has inspired ongoing and complimentary theories of the ways in which the built environment manifests narratives of power and the role of place in memory. Nora's lieux are social creations often involving built form and it is clear that historically significant built form can be used in social endeavors which contribute to the creation of a society's identity. Research and analysis of the Constitutional Court archive, selected published critique, examination of the artefact itself and by means of interviews with key professional individuals who participated in the programme of the building of the new Constitutional Court, all contribute to an exposure of the process of the endeavour of the judges of the Constitutional Court to establish a “lieux of cultural identity”.

National legitimacy played in the politics of post-war Communist Party of Czechoslovakia an important role. The addressees of communist policy should primarily be "members of the nation." The subject of my research work in this way was the formulation of national identity and its role in the Communist politics in the first postwar year, especially the cultural field. For the conceptualization of the concept of propaganda in the Communist Party, I was inspired discourse analytical approaches that have helped me in exploring answers to the question of the role of Czech national identity in the propaganda of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.

Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.