Organometallic pyridazines and compounds derived from them have been of interest in polymer research due to their atypical environmental stability (as compared to other non-aromatic organic semiconductors) as well as their conductivity. The off-metal synthesis and characterization of several pyridazyl thallium, manganese, and rhenium complexes, beginning with fulvenes 1,2- C5H3(COHR)(COR), are reported here. The diacyl fulvenes were treated with hydrazine hydrate to ring close to pyridazines. Next, the pyridazines were converted to their respective thallium salts through treatment with thallium (I) ethoxide. Lastly, the salts were transmetallated into the respective rhenium or manganese complexes through treatment with the respective metal bound to five carbonyl groups and one bromide (MnCO5Br, ReCO5Br). Our research focused on the synthesis of a variety of 5,6-fused ring pyridazines that will act as a model for homeland security research in polymer studies and medicinal research. Synthesis and characterization of several aryl-substituted 5,6-fused ring pyridazines have been completed. The fulvenes, pyridazines, and thallium salts are important compounds for research due to their reactivity and stability in moisture and air. The complexes synthesized were confirmed using mass spectrometry, infrared spectroscopy, nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy, and elemental analysis. Single crystal X-ray diffraction confirmed the structure of x compound 1A. As evidenced by related previous papers published by the research group, the synthesized complexes displayed stability to air, moisture, and temperature.18, 19, 23, 25

Die vorgelegte Arbeit stellt eine explorative Studie auf dem Feld der Inneren Sicherheit dar. Angelehnt an politikfeldanalytische Ansätze werden Akteure und Institutionen im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit dargestellt und hinsichtlich ihrer Bedeutung im Rahmen der Terrorismusbekämpfung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird erklärt, welche Faktoren für Veränderungen und Entwicklungen in der Bundesrepublik insbesondere vor dem Hintergrund der Ereignisse des 11. September 2001 verantwortlich sind. Leitend für die Analyse ist es, auf Basis der Beschreibung der Akteure und der aktuellen Gesetzeslage die Art und Richtung der Veränderungen in den letzten zehn Jahren zu untersuchen und zu erklären. Im Rahmen der vorgelegten Untersuchung werden darüber hinaus die politikpraktischen und grundrechtlichen Probleme diskutiert, die im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit von Bedeutung sind. Zugleich werden aber auch politologische Erklärungen für das Entstehen (und Verabschieden) von Gesetzen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit gegeben. Im Bewusstsein, dass eine vollständige Bearbeitung des Politikfeldes Innere Sicherheit nicht in angemessenem Umfang geleistet werden kann, konzentriert sich die Arbeit nur auf ausgewählte Entwicklungen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit. Hierbei wurden nur die Entwicklungen und Veränderungen der so genannten Architektur der Inneren Sicherheit in Deutschland in den Blick genommen, bei denen ein argumentativer oder sachlicher Zusammenhang mit den Ereignissen des 11. September zu beweisen oder plausibel zu vermuten ist. Entwicklungen in europäischen Nachbarstaaten werden dagegen nicht untersucht. Die Auswahl der behandelten Maßnahmen erfolgt auch danach, inwieweit sie in den öffentlichen Debatten überhaupt eine Rolle gespielt haben und wie hoch die Auswirkungen von politischen Entscheidungen beispielsweise auf die Grundrechte der Bürger oder auf die Sicherheitsarchitektur waren (und sind). Die Anschläge des 11. September 2001 selbst werden jedoch nicht analysiert.

海洋是國家發展的利基，亦是我們賴以生存最重要的憑藉，更是捍衛國家安全的第一道防線。臺灣地處西太平洋第一島鏈中央地帶，戰略地位極為重要，從臺灣的地理特性和地緣位置來看，臺灣的國家安全與海洋是密切相關的，海洋不僅是國家安全的重要緩衝空間，也是維護國家安全的屏障和門戶，控制了海洋即可加大安全縱深，遏止來自於海洋方面的威脅。 臺灣是一個海洋國家，海洋權益的確保、藍色國土的經略乃政府施政的重大目標。今日我們面對海域主權權利、海洋資源、海洋環境等各項層面的威脅及挑戰，需站在戰略及國安的高度展開多面向的海洋戰略(包括尋求國際合作、爭取國際地位等)，並制定國家海洋政策，有效經營海洋資源，方能增進全方位的國家利益，以落實海洋國家發展願景。 行政院海岸巡防署為中華民國開國以來第一個依法定程序設立且律屬於行政院二級部會層級的海域執法專責機關，除海軍以外，為我國第二大擁有海上執法能量的武裝團隊，肩負起維護國家安全、海上治安及救災救難等重責大任；其擁有獨立運作且強而有力的海域司法管轄權，並代表國家執行公權力、伸張海權，以維護國家海洋權益及確保國家安全。 關鍵詞：國家安全、國安戰略、海權、海洋戰略、海洋政策、海軍戰略、地緣戰略、海巡署、海軍、海關 / The sea is the gateway for national development, the most important reliance for our survival, and the first line of defense for national security. Taiwan locates in the middle of the first island chain in the west Pacific with strategic significance. From the geographical points of view, Taiwan's national security closely relates to the sea, which not only acts as important buffer zone for national security, but also safeguards barriers and portals of national security. Controlling the sea deepens the depth of security and deterring threats from the sea. Taiwan is a maritime country. To ensure maritime rights and interests, the governance of Blue Territory is a major goal to the government. Today we are faced with issues such as the sovereign rights of the sea, marine resources, marine environment and other aspects of threats and challenges. It is necessary to take strategic vantage point of national security and expand multi-faceted maritime strategies (including international cooperation and international status, etc.). In order to effectively manage marine resources for all the spectrum of the national interests, national policies and visions of the sea should be developed and fullfilled. The Coast Guard Administration of the Executive Yuan (CGA) is the first ministerial agency of the Republic of China specifically for maritime law enforcement. In addition to the Navy, the CGA has become the country's second largest armed forces responsible for national security, maritime peace and search and rescue, etc. at sea. Representing national authority and sovereignty, it operates independently and holds strongly jurisdiction in sea territories to preserve national maritime rights and interests and to ensure national security. Keywords: national security, national security strategy, sea power, maritime strategy, sea policy, naval strategy, geostrategic, Coast Guard(CGA), Navy, Customs

This dissertation examines why military decision makers struggle to evaluate their policies and why they often stick to unsuccessful strategies for so long. The core argument is that strategic assessment involves genuine analytic challenges which contemporary scholarship typically does not take into account. Prominent theoretical frameworks predict that the longer decision makers go without achieving their objectives, the more pessimistic they should become about their ability to do so, and the more likely they should be to change course. This dissertation challenges those ideas and explains why we should often expect the very opposite. The theoretical crux of this argument is that standard models of learning and adaptation (along with many people’s basic intuitions) revolve around the assumption that decision makers are observing repeated processes, similar to the dynamics of slot machines and roulette wheels – but in war and other contexts, decision makers often confront cumulative processes that have very different dynamics, along with a different logic for how rational actors should form and revise their expectations. Empirically, this dissertation examines U.S. decision making in Iraq, Vietnam, and the American Indian Wars. These cases demonstrate how cumulative dynamics affect strategic assessment and how understanding these dynamics can shed light on prominent theoretical frameworks, ongoing policy debates, and salient historical experience.

Anti-trafficking discourses in Canada feature prominently in policy discussions of prostitution and sex work as well as national security and border integrity, including discussions of migration, migrant smuggling, refuge, and asylum. Yet, representations of trafficked persons have gone largely unquestioned in the country and anti-trafficking policies have garnered broad acceptance without detailed consideration of how such representations affect the rights and experiences of trafficked persons. In this context, anti-trafficking discourses are relied upon to justify a variety of conflicting political agendas. By placing existing discourses of human trafficking under scrutiny, including representations of trafficked persons from the perspective of frontline workers, government officials, law enforcement, and trafficked persons themselves in Western Canada, this study examines the politicized construction of trafficking discourses and thereby identifies how some anti-trafficking measures claiming to liberate “victims of trafficking” contribute to the insecurities faced by trafficked persons. Further, by examining recent immigration policy amendments alongside anti-trafficking discourses, this study considers the role of anti-trafficking discourses in shaping contemporary boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. In particular, the study highlights the insecurity trafficked persons experience as a result of measures emphasizing criminalization and deportation as well as the effect of criminalization for temporary migrant workers, particularly migrant workers experiencing exploitation in a context of socio-economic constraint.

The Congo Crisis of the early 1960s served as a satellite conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Scholars have argued about U.S. motivations and interests involved in the Congo Crisis. The major division between scholars is between those who contend the United States acted for national security reasons and those scholars who argue the United States desired to establish a neocolonial regime to protect economic interests pertaining to vast Congolese mineral wealth. The argument of this thesis is that the United States policy in the Congo between 1960 and 1965 focused on installing a friendly regime in the Congo in order to protect its national security interests. This argument lends to the introduction of a new term to classify U.S. actions: pseudocolonialism. The previous term, neocolonialism, denotes a negative connotation based on economic greed and does not satisfactorily explain the motivations of the United States. By examining the value to the United States of Congolese uranium and cobalt as well as Congolese geographic location, the singular explanation of economic greed is weakened.

Lancashire redefined popular politics and national identity in its own image. The perceived threat of invasion by Napoleon, together with the Irish Rebellion, sustained the evolution in extra-parliamentary politics that had begun in reaction to the American and French revolutions. The meanings and principles of 'radicalism,' 'loyalism' and 'Britain' continued to be debated and contested in 1798-1812. Elite loyalism became even more exclusive, developing into the Orange movement. Radicals remained silent until the Napoleonic invasion scares had faded and opportunities arose for renewed vocal criticisms of government foreign and economic policy from 1806. Conflicts re- emerged between radicals and loyalists in the middle classes and gentry which provided the training for a new generation of postwar radical leaders and the popularity of the free trade campaign. Inhabitants of Lancashire felt British in reaction to the French and Irish, but it was a Lancashire Britishness. Political identities and actions followed national patterns of events but were always marked with a regional stamp. This was in part because most political movements were held together by a shared 'sense of place' rather than vague notions of class-consciousness or shared class identity. A sense of place manifested itself in the regional organisation of strikes, petitions and the Orange institution. Furthermore, it could also entail a common bitter or defiant provincialism against the government or monarchy. In an atmosphere of anti-corruption and a growing desire for peace, this provincial frustration ironically brought professed loyalists closer to radicalism in campaigns against the Orders in Council and other government policies. Provincialism and other elements of regional identity ensured that any ideas of Britishness were tempered through local concerns and allegiances, but an identity with the nation that was not an acquiescent acceptance of national tropes and stereotypes. Lancashire Britishness was commercial, manufacturing, and above all, independent from homogenisation and the impositions of government.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 2, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 5, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.