Thesis (M.S.)--Missouri State University, 2009. / "May 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-97). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-122). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of New South Wales, 2004. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Aug. 4, 2006). Includes bibliographical references (p. 423-490).

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): C. J. LaCivita, Kathryn E. Newcomer. AD-A439 372. Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-94). Also available online.

Thesis (MMAS)--Command and General Staff College (CGSC), 2006. / AD-A452 186.

Thesis--(Licentiate)--Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm, 2007. / Original thesis t.p. and absdtract on 1 leaf inserted. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-109).

This PhD thesis examines the Gulf monarchies of Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates as they strive to transform their political economies away from dependency on hydrocarbon revenues into more diverse sectors of economic activity. In particular, the research attempts to forecast the monarchies’ chances of achieving the transformation into principally private sector-led economies, while maintaining absolute rule and excluding those outside the circle of the ruling élites from political power or influence. The central research question guiding the study is ‘Human and National Security in Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates – Should Climate Change Matter?’ The effects of climate change provide a useful lens through which to examine each of the states’ policies and actions as they attempt to cope with the physical degradation of an already water and heat-stressed environment, coupled with declining oil and gas revenues from the West as a result of international climate change agreements. The thesis applies a ten question research framework to each of the entities to produce individual case studies for comparison. The research finds that climate change is acknowledged as an issue by each of the states, but is not at the top of their list of priorities. Rather, measures to improve human security are aimed at maximising the economic productiveness of each country to make up the deficit caused by decreasing hydrocarbon revenues and enable the monarchies to maintain the high level of free and subsidised state services they currently provide to their populations. They believe the effective maintenance of services directly contributes to political stability which assures the continuance of their current system of governance where political power lies solely with the rulers and their close advisors. Essentially, the priority for each of the ruling families is not climate change, but regime survival, preferably in its current form.

O presente trabalho analisa a ditadura civil-militar uruguaia (1973-1984) a partir da perspectiva da política de Terror de Estado, mecanismo implementado para aplicar as premissas da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e defender os interesses dos setores dominantes locais. Da mesma forma, possibilitou o disciplinamento da força de trabalho, exigência implícita nas novas demandas do capitalismo mundial, o que significou, na prática, a destruição do questionamento social e das manifestações por mudanças promovidas pelas distintas organizações populares nos anos 60 e 70. Este período, aliás, foi marcado, na América Latina, tanto pela efervescência produzida pela Revolução Cubana quanto pelo esforço dos EUA em disseminar as concepções contra-insurgentes e reforçar a pentagonização regional. Foi durante as administrações de Pacheco Areco e de Bordaberry (1968-1973), marcadas por acentuada guinada autoritária ainda em regime democrático, que começaram a ser aplicadas determinadas práticas repressivas de Terror de Estado, fato que se projetou, ampliou e consolidou posteriormente, com o regime de exceção. O objetivo norteador da pesquisa foi estudar o conceito de Terror de Estado e analisar sua aplicação na experiência concreta da ditadura uruguaia enquanto metodologia de atuação de um sistema repressivo complexo que abrangeu as múltiplas dimensões da sociedade. Assim, procurou-se destacar a diversidade e articulação das diferentes modalidades de atuação implementadas: a interdição do Poder Legislativo; a subordinação do Poder Judiciário à Justiça Militar; a proibição de partidos políticos, sindicatos e organizações sociais; a intervenção no sistema de ensino; a imposição de uma política global de censura; a iniciativa de refundação societária; a subjugação e destruição do “inimigo interno”; a aplicação de ações contra-insurgentes (a tortura, o "grande encarceramento", a política de "reféns" e os seqüestros seguidos de desaparecimentos forçados); etc. A participação ativa uruguaia na conexão repressiva internacional (Operação Condor) expressou o deslocamento da violência estatal da "guerra interna" contra os núcleos exilados nos países vizinhos. Em síntese, a dinâmica imposta caracterizou o Terror de Estado implementado no Uruguai como sendo abrangente, prolongado, indiscriminado, preventivo, retroativo e extraterritorial além de conter pretensões pedagógicas e ser gerador de seqüelas que se projetaram no período democrático posterior. / This paper intends to analyse the Uruguayan civil-military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) from the perspective of the “State Terror” policy, mechanism implemented to apply the premiss of the “National Security Doctrine” and to defend the local dominant groups interests. In the same way it made possible to discipline the workforce, an implicit requirement of the new world capitalism demands, and that meant the destruction of the social questioning and the demonstrations for changes promoted by different popular organizations in the 60´s and 70´s. This period, as a matter of fact, was marked in Latin America as much by the agitation produced by the Cuban Revolution, as the North American effort to spread the counterinsurgents conceptions and to reinforce the USA influence in the region. It was during the Pacheco Areco and Bordaberry governments (1968-1973), characterized by a strong turn towards authoritarism even in a democratic regime, that some repressive practices of “State Terror” started to be implemented. These practices were projected, enlarged and consolidated subsequently, during the authoritarian regime. The main aim of this paper was to study the concept of “State Terror” and analyses its application in the Uruguayan dictatorship experience, as an acting metodology of a complex repressive system which covered the multiple dimension of the society. Thus, it was intended to emphasize the diversity and the articulation of the different ways of acting implemented: the injunction in the Parliament; the subordination of the Judiciary to the Military Justice; the prohibition of political parties, trade unions and social organizations; the intervention in the educacional system; the imposition of a global censorship policy; the establishment of a new social order; the subjugation and destruction of the internal enemy; the application of counterinsurgents measures (the torture, the “grande encarceramento”, the “hostage” policy and the kidnappings followed by disappearance); etc. The effective Uruguayan participation in the international repressive connection (Condor Operation) expressed the movement from the “internal war” state violence to an action against the exiled activists in neighbour countries. Briefly, the strategies implemented characterized the Uruguayan Terror State as being extensive, prolonged, indiscriminate, preventive, retroactive, and beyond territorial limits, besides having pedagogical intentions and producing sequels in the subsequent democratic period.

The colonial formation and imagination of the Canadian nation and its citizenry has historically been rooted in processes of racial inclusion and exclusion. This thesis considers the ways in which the historical exclusionary process of citizenship manifests within today’s “War on Terror” through the language of national security. The analysis focuses on the discourses of two former Conservative bills: Bill C-24 – Strengthening the Canadian Citizenship Act and Bill C-51 – Anti-terrorism Act. Mobilized through a critical race perspective, my thesis documents first, the narratives that are told, and second, the discursive strategies that are used, to construct those deserving and undeserving of inclusion. My findings demonstrate that the ideal nation and its ideal citizens, who are deserving of inclusion within the nation, are fundamentally constructed in Whiteness. Meanwhile, the threatening ‘Other’, who is to be excluded and expelled from the nation, is imagined as a racialized Muslim, Arab and brown terrorist in the “War on Terror”. By examining their respective parliamentary debates, my research reveals how the political discourses utilized in both bills uphold the racial exclusionary mechanisms of citizenship. As such, my research speaks to the evolving relationship between citizenship, national security, surveillance, and securitization by demonstrating how citizenship is used as a tool within the broader security regime of the state to fight the “War on Terror”.

Drawing on a theoretical framework based on securitization and threat construction, the attempt in this study was to broaden the understanding of how the perception of a Russian threat in the Baltic Sea is influencing Swedish defence and security policy. The method used was based on Bacchis WPR-approach. Three questions were asked at the beginning of this study, regardning how Russia is viewed in Sweden, how the representation of Russia has changed from the war in Georgia in 2008 until 2018, as well as how Sweden is to strengthen it's defence capacity, nationally and through cooperation, to tacle the Russian threat. Four key aspects of Russian behaviour that is considered threatening were identified. Russia is viewed as a country with power ambitions and expansionist tendencies; characterised as tactically unpredictable; looked upon as a risk calculating actor; and considered misstrusting in its views of the West. The perception of Russia is complex which creates difficulties regarding how the threat is to be met. Policy makers have urged the strengthening of Swedish national defence capacity to create a conflict threshold in the region. To further strengthen this threshold, the bilateral defence cooperation with Finland has deepened. In addition, the question of military non-alignment has been raised in relation to a possible Swedish membership in Nato. The answer to whether or not Sweden should join depends on political affiliation. This underlines the theoretical assumptions; security and defence policy is not merely a response to an external circumstance, but rather the result of an interplay between circumstance and actor.