U.S. strategy toward Southern Caucasus and Central Asia has not been studied sufficiently. The present study, which takes the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of the states of CASC (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) as its starting point, is probably the most detailed tracing of the evolution of U.S. strategy toward this specific region hitherto available. The study is methodologically committed to process-tracing and covers U.S. strategy toward CASC over a 15-year period covering three separate presidential administrations. A vast material has been collected and studied, and the primary contribution of the study is empirical. The study also sets out develop a neoclassical realist framework for analysing U.S. strategy, which introduces strategic culture as an intervening variable between the external actions of the U.S and the international environment.  The theory in this study is based on three pillars. The first is structural realism. With its focus on the international environment and the pressure that is exerts, the study accepts the systemic imperative described by structural realists. The second pillar is cultural/constructivist theory. The study presupposes the notion of malleable norms and identities promoted by such theories. The third and most important pillar is neoclassical realism, which aims at finding intervening variables between a state´s external actions and the international environment. The definition of U.S. strategic culture relies heavily on American political and diplomatic history, the main argument being that U.S. policymakers constantly draw on U.S. strategic culture and have strong incentives to frame their policies so as to be culturally acceptable. The strategic culture thus both constrains and enables actions. The framework contributes to the ongoing effort to bridge the gap between realist and constructivist perspectives. This study will demonstrate that U.S. strategy toward CASC was shaped by specific U.S. strategic culture to a considerable extent. Throughout the entire period studied, the declared goal of the U.S. was the integration of CASC into the community of liberal market democracies. One very important theoretical finding of this study is that U.S. strategic culture had a powerful impact on U.S. strategy, independently of international pressures. This study will also demonstrate that U.S. strategy was incoherent, inconsistent, bureaucratically uncoordinated, susceptible to domestic pressure, and frequently subordinated to more important strategic goals outside of the region.

<p>The main research question of this thesis is how do grand strategies form. Grand strategy is defined as a state's coherent and consistent pattern of behavior over a long period of time in search of an overarching goal. The political science literature usually explains the formation of grand strategies by using a planning (or design) model. In this dissertation, I use primary sources, interviews with former government officials, and historical scholarship to show that the formation of grand strategy is better understood using a model of emergent learning imported from the business world. My two case studies examine the formation of American grand strategy during the Cold War and the post-Cold War eras. The dissertation concludes that in both these strategic eras the dominating grand strategies were formed primarily by emergent learning rather than flowing from advanced designs.</p> / Dissertation

根據UNODC南亞及太平洋地區研究表示，亞洲已成為最大的製毒化學品來源和用於製造非法藥物的市場。衛生福利部食品藥物管理署2014年「全國物質使用調查」發現調查12-64歲民眾中約有23萬人曾經藥物濫用，18~44歲為藥物濫用最多之年齡群，其中18~24歲以使用愷他命居多，而35~44歲則以安非他命為主。2015年反毒報告書指出，去年全國因毒品案件而裁決有罪者共有34,672人，雖然較前年減少7.2% ，但毒品入侵青少年族群的情況卻越來越嚴重，依據教育部統計，2014年度共有1,700名學生遭通報藥物濫用，較2013年2,021件略為下降，其中以疑似施用第三級毒品人數為最大宗，並以高中職1,031人(60.6％)為主，國中582人(34.2％)次之。教育部學生使用非法藥物的通報件數也呈逐年增加的情形，若以 2007年高中職以下學校通報 284件增加至 2013年1,908 件計算，7年內增加了6.7倍之多。毒品嚴重影響年輕一代的教育及健康，其需要付出的成本與代價無法計算，所造成的問題將成為影響社會、國家的不穩定因素，因此如何防制青少年的藥物濫用便成為當務之急。 本文針對聯合國UNODC的角度探討全球青少年毒品問題，並以近年來臺北市青少年各級毒品使用現況與相關性探討，以有系統的歸類、分析，期望結合及彙整青少年毒品危害防制措施、探究其將會產生多種併存問題及發生情形、供日後政府制定藥物濫用防制策略參考。另由全球青少年毒品使用變化與發展對比於臺灣的轉變，再加以探討影響臺灣青少年使用毒品的因素與項目有哪些?與全球青少年所受的衝擊與矛盾是否有相同處?抑或因著地域的不同有不同的效果。最後則再限縮範圍至臺北市校園學生毒品濫用的情形，再導入治安、經濟、社會等變數議題，以文獻分析法試著推導出對國家安全的影響，探討將會產生多種併存問題及發生情形，並對目前防制困境與策略作為進行探討。 文末則再次回應研究青少年毒品的三個關鍵問題，得出濫用年齡層有下降趨勢、合成毒品濫用越來越多，加上青少年藥物濫用極可能持續到成年，並會增加未來為上癮者或從事其他犯罪的機會，國家應從青少年時期開始預防措施、減少毒品需求、創造有利的健康環境、家庭具有強大防制潛力，應重視家庭教育等做起。所以，要指望毒品問題完全解決是不可能的。既然在短期內現行政府政策不大可能出現根絕的方法，那麼，一旦對青少年藥物濫用採取忽視的態度，將會動搖的國家競爭力與根本。 / According to UNODC South Asia and Pacific Studies, Asia has become the largest source of toxic chemicals and markets for the manufacture of illicit drugs. Ministry of Health and Welfare Food and Drug Administration In 1994, the National Survey on the Use of Substance found that about 230,000 people aged between 12 and 64 years had been drug abuse and 18 to 44 were the highest age groups for drug abuse, including 18 to 24 The use of Kai Tai life mostly, and 35 to 44 years old with amphetamine-based. The anti-drug report in 2015 pointed out that 34,672 people were found guilty of drug cases in the country last year, although they were 7.2% lower than the previous year. However, the number of drug-invading youth groups was getting worse. According to the statistics of the Ministry of Education, Students were informed of drug abuse, slightly lower than 2,021 in 2013, among which the number of suspected third-class drugs was the largest, and 1,031 (60.6%) were secondary in high school, 582 (34.2%) The The number of informants of the Ministry of Education's use of illicit drugs has also increased year by year. If the number of schools under the senior secondary school in 2007 increased by 284 to 1,908 in 2013, it increased by 6.7 times in seven years. Drugs seriously affect the education and health of the younger generation, and the costs and costs that they need to pay can not be calculated. The problems that have arisen will be factors that affect social and national instability. Therefore, how to prevent juvenile drug abuse becomes a top priority. In this paper, the United Nations UNODC point of view of the global drug problem of young people, and in recent years, young people in Taipei City at all levels of drug use status and relevance of the discussion, to a systematic classification, analysis, expectations and integration of juvenile drug harm prevention measures, It will produce a variety of coexistence problems and the situation for the future government to develop drug abuse control strategy reference. The same is true of the changes and the development of the global use of drugs in Taiwan, and to explore the factors that affect the use of drugs by young people in Taiwan and what are the same as those of the global adolescents and whether they are the same Have different effects. And finally to limit the range to the Taipei City campus students drug abuse situation, and then into the law and order, economic, social and other variables to the literature analysis method to try to derive the impact on national security, will have a variety of coexistence problems and occur Situation, and the current control dilemma and strategy as a discussion. At the end of the paper, there are three key questions in the study of juvenile delinquents, a decline in the age of abuse, an increasing number of drug abuse, and the fact that adolescent drug abuse is likely to continue into adulthood and increase the future as an addict or Other opportunities for crime, the state should start from adolescence prevention measures to reduce the demand for drugs to create a favorable health environment, the family has a strong control potential, should pay attention to family education and so on. So it is impossible to expect a complete solution to the drug problem. Since the current government policy in the short term is unlikely to be the way to eradicate it, then once the attitude of neglecting adolescent drug abuse will shake the country's competitiveness and fundamentals.

Research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, towards a 33% fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management (in the field of Security). 11 November 2016. / South Africa, like other liberal democracies worldwide, is characterised by constant tension between government and the media, particularly the press. At the centre of the tension is the need by government to maintain a certain level of state secrecy on the grounds of national security on the one hand, and the need for transparency and the right of access to information on the other. Both these rights are provided for in international and local statutory instruments. Press reports about an alleged secret procurement by South Africa’s Department of Defence of a spy satellite have also heightened the tension. The purpose of the research is to explore the nature of the tension through a case study focusing on some national newspapers. The study examines if the South African press, which, when it dispensed information to the public, published sensitive state information that detrimentally impacted national security. This research shows that in some instances local newspapers published classified and sensitive information relating to national security. Although a court of law is the proper organ to determine whether the press contravened the law by publishing sensitive security information, the disclosure arguably prejudiced the national security interests of South Africa. / MT2018

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in 50% fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Management (in the Field of Security). March 2016 / Defence Review 2015 concluded that the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) was in a “critical state of decline”, faced imminent and irreversible loss of capabilities and questioned its ability to meet all of its ordered defence commitments (Department of Defence, 2015c, pp. ix; 99). This is a grave indictment considering it is entrusted with the constitutional mandate to defend the Republic (Republic of South Africa, 1996, Sec 200). This begs the question “what went wrong?” Causes raised include the apparent disjuncture between the defence mandate and budget. It is unlikely, however that the blame can be attributed to a funding shortfall and overly ambitious defence mandate, alone. Some question whether a flawed institutional civil control structure might be to blame for compromising military command and thereby the ability of the armed forces to ensure effective defence. Did the new government go too far in imposing robust civil control over the SANDF in 1994, effectively emasculating the SANDF? Alternatively is the selected model for South Africa’s civil control and oversight regimes simply inappropriate or otherwise ineffective? Whether the failure lies with the selected model itself or in its execution are issues that were examined in the study. This study takes as its point of departure, various Defence Review 2015 policy proposals that, it was argued, point to deeper flaws in the institutional civil-military arrangements within the DOD. As such, they are fundamental to our understanding of the civil control challenges confronting the DOD and the formulation of policy options and recommendations. What the study highlighted was that the ultimate challenge for the DOD could be reduced in simple terms to finding an agreeable solution that would satisfy both the statutory civil control precepts and the Chief SANDF’s desire for freedom from undue interference with his executive military command. Central to the entire civil control debate is of course the balance DOD design, around which the DOD transformation project is structured, and the role of the Sec Def in exercising civil control in a ‘collaborative relationship’ with the Chief SANDF. There is general consensus that the balance DOD design has 1 Colonel C.B. Hepburn, late of the Transvaal Scottish, is employed on a term contract as Deputy Director Departmental Performance Monitoring and Evaluation; Defence Policy, Strategy and Planning Division; Defence Secretariat. His staffing at the integrated Defence Head Office provided him with access to the strategic level of defence policy decision-making and daily engagement with senior leaders at the point of interface between the ‘civilian’ Defence Secretariat and the Defence Force. The views expressed in this student academic research paper are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defence or any other agency of the South African government. C.B. HEPBURN 416498 failed to live up to expectations and that it has proven difficult to establish and maintain the optimum balance between civil control and an effective armed service. What is equally obvious is that even after more than two decades of democratic consolidation; the DOD has yet to complete its transformation. If Defence Review 2015 is anything to go by then it can be expected that the process is set to continue for at least the next 25 years. That civil control remains a contested concept within the DOD is not in doubt. The solutions may be elusive; however, there is strong evidence that the answers lie more with how the Def Sec should be capacitated rather than the current focus on repositioning to better enable civil control of defence and to perform the duty assigned to it. Structural issues are clearly a factor and should indeed be dealt with in the broader DOD reorganisation. Nonetheless, there is a strong argument presented that instead of restructuring, better use should be made of performance agreements, delegations and detailed instructions. Given that the DOD is recognised in law as a ‘special case’, there should be a strong legal argument for amending the applicable legislation to make provision for a ‘special delegation regime’ or performance agreements, as a solution to the DOD’s immediate needs for providing an effective armed service. Keywords: Civil control; oversight; Defence Review 2015; South African National Defence Force; armed services; budget; civil-military relations; Constitutional mandate; defence ministry, military command and control, defence secretariat. / GR2018

Este trabalho busca aprofundar a análise sobre os aspectos autoritários do sistema político brasileiro durante o período conhecido como Milagre Econômico (1969-1973), cujo suporte ideológico foi fundamentado e sustentado pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento, produzida pela Escola Superior de Guerra. Através de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica de autores que se debruçaram sobre o tema, dos manuais de segurança nacional e, sobretudo dos planos econômicos que correspondem ao período estudado, em especial o Plano de Ação Econômica, Programa Estratégico de Desenvolvimento e o Primeiro Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento, percebemos o quanto o autoritarismo político foi necessário para que os governos militares impusessem um novo modelo econômico, que se de um lado propiciou o rápido desenvolvimento da economia e a redução da inflação, por outro, desvalorizou os salários dos trabalhadores, aumentou o processo de endividamento e de concentração de renda, aumentando ainda mais a desigualdade social no Brasil. Nossa pesquisa analisa também de que forma ocorre a renovação da tradição autoritária brasileira, do ponto de vista do sistema político que historicamente sempre reprimiu com violência movimentos de contestação a ordem vigente. Agora através da forte repressão política as forças de oposição aos militares, sob a égide do combate ao comunismo internacional no contexto da guerra fria. Por fim, o trabalho de pesquisa mostra que a acumulação capitalista do período estudado (1969-1973), só foi possível pelo emprego da violência institucional colocada em prática pelo Estado Autoritário, sob o comando das forças armadas. / This study seeks to deepen the analysis of the authoritarian aspects of the Brazilian political system during the period known as the Economic Miracle (1969-1973), whose ideological support was reasoned and supported by the National Security Doctrine and Development, produced by the War College. Through extensive literature survey of authors who have studied the subject, manuals and national security, especially economic plans that correspond to the period studied, in particular the Economic Action Plan, Strategic Program Development and the First National Development Plan, realize how the political authoritarianism that was necessary for the military government to impose a new economic model, which is a side facilitated the rapid development of economy and reducing inflation, on the other hand, played down the wages of workers, increased the process of borrowing and concentration of income, further increasing social inequality in Brazil. Our research also analyzes how is the renewal of the Brazilian authoritarian tradition, from the standpoint of the political system that has historically repressed violently protest movements established order. Now through strong political repression of opposition forces to the military, under the aegis of the fight against international communism in the context of the Cold War. Finally, the research work shows that the capital accumulation of the period studied (1969-1973), was made possible by the use of institutional violence put in place by authoritarian rule, under the command of the armed forces.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-27T19:37:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor Loureiro Sion.pdf: 2057717 bytes, checksum: c8e81e6e88937167429f466046203a4b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-27T19:37:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor Loureiro Sion.pdf: 2057717 bytes, checksum: c8e81e6e88937167429f466046203a4b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Fundação São Paulo / The paper analyzes the foreign policy of Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco government's (1964-1967). From the intersection of the existing literature with the analysis of the minutes of meetings of the National Security Council (CSN), this dissertation discusses the dynamics of the diplomacy of the first government of the military dictatorship. The argument of this paper discusses the interpretation and scope of the automatic alignment of Brazil with the United States between the years 1964 and 1967. Three key aspects support the vision of this work: the pragmatism of Castello Branco´s diplomacy, the predominance of domestic constraints in decision-making and the action of Brazil as a country with semi-peripheral claims to rise in the international system power hierarchy. The study of the content of the CSN´s meetings, which was declassified and went on to be available for research only in 2009, is carried out in order to advance in the opening of the black box of the decision-making process in foreign policy. One of the benefits of the CSN´s minutes analysis is the ability to clearly identify the internal differences in the military dictatorship. Another aspect discussed in the paper is the evolution of Castello Branco's foreign policy, on which it considers that the Institutional Act No. 2 (AI-2), in October 1965, was a turning point. Since then, it is considered that international action of Brazil sought greater autonomy, reducing the dependence on Western superpower / O trabalho analisa a política externa do governo de Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco (1964-1967). A partir do cruzamento da literatura existente com a análise das atas das reuniões do Conselho de Segurança Nacional (CSN), esta dissertação de mestrado pretende discutir as dinâmicas da diplomacia do primeiro governo da ditadura militar. O argumento deste trabalho discute a interpretação e o alcance do alinhamento automático do Brasil com os Estados Unidos entre os anos 1964 e 1967. Três aspectos centrais sustentam a visão deste trabalho: o pragmatismo da diplomacia castellista, a predominância dos condicionantes domésticos no processo de tomada de decisão e a atuação do Brasil como país semiperiférico com pretensões de ascender na hierarquia de poder do sistema internacional. O estudo do conteúdo das reuniões, que foi desclassificado e passou a ficar disponível para pesquisa apenas em 2009, é realizado no sentido de avançar na abertura da caixa preta do processo de tomada de decisão em política externa. Um dos benefícios da análise das atas do CSN consiste na possibilidade de identificar com clareza as divergências internas da ditadura militar. Outro aspecto discutido no trabalho é a evolução da política externa de Castello Branco, sobre a qual se considera que o Ato Institucional número 2 (AI-2), de outubro de 1965, representou um momento de inflexão. Argumenta-se neste trabalho que, a partir de então, a ação internacional do Brasil buscou maior autonomia, diminuindo a dependência em relação à superpotência ocidental

Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Americans have been at war against some form of terrorism both at home and abroad. This includes abuses of federal immigration laws and policies that relate to legal and illegal immigration with Mexico. It is easily substantiated that thousands of Americans have died at the hands of illegal immigrants from Mexico through criminal activity in the United States or through illegal drug trafficking. This thesis considers whether the immigration policies of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush were at fault for not properly securing the border prior to these attacks. Specifically, did the Bush administration effectively secure the border following 9/11? Furthermore, how does the substantial growth of illegal immigrants from 1995 to 2005 correlate to the failed policies passed during this era? This analysis shows that it should not have taken a catastrophic event like the terrorist attacks on 9/11 to realize the urgent need for stronger national security in the homeland. This work concludes with the argument that both administrations should have placed a greater priority on promoting stronger federal immigration laws and policies that would have resulted in better solutions to permanently secure America's southern border with Mexico.

二次世界大戰結束後，以美國為首的民主國家採取長期的對蘇聯的社會主義國家圍堵不接觸的「冷戰」作為，此種兩極體系發展產生一種軍備競賽方式取代戰爭模式，1991年蘇聯共產體制瓦解，原已經於一九八九年宣告結束的東西「冷戰」正式結束，冷戰結束後，世界軍事格局脫離了兩極對峙，1978年鄧小平掌權後，判斷世界新形勢，修正社會主義路線，經濟上遂行改革開放政策，帶動了中共國力崛起。 崛起的中共在軍事上不斷現代化，威脅著南海爭議相關國家，同時也代表美國在亞洲的利益受到挑戰，中共近期將南海島礁主權列為國家重大利益，軍力部署轉向海洋及東南方，也使中國威脅論升高，導致東協部份國家紛紛加強軍備，增加亞太地區的不穩定性，促使東協國家引進美國力量介入。 美國持續在東亞地區透過雙邊同盟或軍事關係，維持美國的國家利益，美國第44任總統歐巴馬也以重返亞洲為國務外交重大政策，因此美國與中共兩國在亞洲地區的合作或競爭作為，未來將左右南海爭議走向，這也是南海問題複雜的原因。 南海領土主權爭議是二戰結束後，亞洲國家戰後紛紛掙脫殖民國控制，先後完成各種制度的國家獨立開始，另外1952年國際海洋法公佈領海及鄰接區公約，也喚起世界各海洋國家的重視，然而國際法著重現實主義立場，使得南海周邊各國莫不以島礁「先佔」（Occupation）的行為爭取國家利益。 本文以南海地區的情勢發展為基礎，探究中共與美國對南海的國家戰略，首先從國際海洋法論南海主權問題，接續再由政治外交、經濟貿易、軍事等戰略面向分析，最後比較兩個大國的戰略互動行為，以求更進一步認識南海問題。 / Since the end of WWII, the democratic countries which led by U.S. have been adopting a policy with isolating and encircling measures to against former USSR and its follower communist countries for more than 3 decades which known “Cold War”, instead of traditional warfare, the pattern of these two poles of the political bodies gradually developed another situation of armament competition, in 1991, the communist body of the Soviet has collapsed, it was also a formal declaration of the end of West-East confrontation which we called Cold War. Ever since the Cold War, the pattern of the military strategy has been changed, in 1978, under Deng, Xiao-Ping’ ruling, he re-aligned its original socialist route by judging reality of world environment and adopted open policies on the aspect of economy, this movement has caused China’s power rising. China’s rising continuously keeping PLA modernized militarily, that also caused significant threats to countries who involve the dispute of South China Sea issues, mean while, it represent that the U.S. interests in Asia have been challenged as well, China has claimed the sovereignty of isled of South China Sea as critical interests of PRC recently, the deployment of forces has been moved to south east of China and its coastal areas, this move has elevated the possibility which known as “theory of China’s threat” and relatively increased Pac-Asia regions unstable and caused armaments enforcement themselves, it also welcome US power involve by ASEAN. The US continuously intent to maintain it’ interests in South Asia through bi-lateral allies and military relations cooperation, the President Obama has announced that return to South Asia will be a significant policy for US, thus the competition between US and China in the area will affects the dispute among the countries and makes it more complex. The dispute of South China Sea sovereignty had started after WWII and countries which out of colonial controlled and had all their policies established, on the other hand, in 1952, the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) issued has reminds and abstracts oceanic countries attention, however, international laws tend to reality, so that there is no country around the South China Sea without struggling for its own interests which by measure of pre-occupying isled on that. The context is base on the development of South China Sea as fundamentals so as to explore the strategies both US and PRC whom involved South China Sea disputes, first will start to discuss the problems of sovereignty base on international ocean laws, and then to discuss on analysis of various aspects such as political diplomacy, economic trade and military and will be wrapped up by the comparison of US-PRC on strategic interaction so as to make readers gain more understanding on the issues of South China Sea.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006. / AD-A445 450. Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.69-71). Also available online.