Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2007.

The diploma thesis deals with the Auschwitz theme in philosophy and ethics. The first part of the thesis aims to describe the development of the humanistic tradition in Europe as well as individual types of humanism, their basis and their difficulties. The main focus of the diploma thesis is on the philosophy of Emmanuel Lévinas and Jean-François Lyotard. Furthermore, the hypothesis, according to which traditional humanism resulted in the events of Holocaust, is derived from their thoughts. The aim of the study is to prove or disprove this hypothesis. In addition to the analysis of both Lévinas and Lyotard's theories, it also addresses the studies of other philosophers whose philosophical thinking is related to the issue of Holocaust. Their thoughts and concepts are compared and confronted with the theories of the main critics of the concept of humanism, Lévinas and Lyotard. Key words: Auschwitz, Holocaust, Nazism, Humanism, Lévinas, Lyotard

2017 marks the hundred year anniversary since the Social Democratic party was split in two in 1917, when the youth party, as well as several leftish socialistic members, formed the Communist party. In the aftermath of the first world war communism rose in Sweden, Spain and Germany. Eventually, fascism and nazism began to rise as a political power as well. These ideologies put the Swedish Social democratic party at stake. This essay has focused on how the local Social democrats acted at a local level, when it came to these political powers. Elements of conflict and consensus, as well as class formation are lifted to find out how Växjö’s Social democrats reacted to communism, nazism and fascism. The result showed that the reaction was almost completely non-violent, although still in opposition. Attempts were made to cooperate with the local communists, with varied success. They united against fascism and to aid them under fascist oppression. The class formation were partly unitary as of this, but mostly fragmented, when the communists were looked at as dividers and Moscow agents with revolutionary goals. This did not work out with the Social democratic reformist agenda, why the communist was widely condemned in 1939. The political right often criticised the Social democrats for their communist encounters. As to this the local Social democratic press did not trust the bourgeoisie to maintain the democracy if they were given the chance to overthrow the Social democratic government with help from the fascists.

Denna examensuppsats behandlar ämnet nationalsocialism i svenska läroböcker inom historieämnet för gymnasieskolan. Enligt min erfarenhet används läroböcker i stor utsträckning i historieundervisningen. Skolan har ett uppdrag att fostra demokratiska samhällsmedborgare. Därför är det viktigt för gymnasielärare i historia att ha djupgående kunskaper om perioden kring de två världskrigen, inte minst för att kunna visa hur snabbt ett samhälle kan ställa om från demokrati till diktatur. Syftet med studien var att undersöka huruvida svenska läroböcker för gymnasiet ger en nyanserad bild av historien kring nationalsocialismen, dess uppkomst och konsekvenser denna ideologi ledde till. Studien har utgått från två frågeställningar: Hur behandlar texterna i historieböckerna nationalsocialistisk ideologi, Tyska Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarpartiets (NSDAP) maktövertagande i Tyskland och deras raspolitik? Hur behandlar historieböckerna den avhumanisering av judar och andra icke önskvärda som sedermera ledde fram till Förintelsen av dessa människor? För att besvara frågeställningarna har en en metod baserad på Selanders pedagogiska textanalys använts. Resultatet visar att de svenska läroböckerna i historia som har analyserats ger en tillfredställande och nyanserad bild av nationalsocialismen som idé samt de konsekvenser den ledde till, det vill säga i förlängningen andra världskriget och förintelsen. Slutsatsen av resultatet blev att i enlighet med läroplanerna ger läroböckerna eleverna en grund att stå på i sin fortsatta bildning att bli demokratiskt sinnade medborgare samtidigt är det viktigt att en historielärare kan problemtisera stoffet och inte ducka för besvärliga fakta.

Nazi demonstrations have in recent years become a recurring theme in Swedish media. In the summer of 2018 public opinion against the Nazi demonstrations became so strong that the governing party proclaimed that the Swedish Nazi party should be banned. A majority of the other parties agreed. What effect a party ban would have on the freedom of demonstration is however unclear and the purpose of this paper is therefore to examine that subject. To achieve that purpose the paper examines the extent of the freedom of demon- stration in the Swedish constitution and its subsequent laws. In this section, the paper highlights that a demonstration where the organizer hasn’t applied for a demonstration permit still has the same rights as a demonstration where the or- ganizer has a permit. The findings in the paper also shows that current case law advocates that if a crime is being committed during a demonstration the police should wait with arresting suspects, provided the arrests would in effect dissolve the demonstration and as long as the crime is not obvious. The paper moreover examines the exemption in the Swedish constitution that supposedly allows for the banning of Nazi organizations. The conclusion is that the exemption must be characterized as a relatively narrow one. The exemption allows for only the banning of such racist groups that persecute a distinct ethnic or racial group – in contrast with for instance the persecution of refugees in gen- eral. The paper furthermore argues that the word persecution should be inter- preted as meaning repeated acts of violence or threats, although merely hate speech might arguably be sufficient as well. Altogether, this strong protection for the freedom of demonstration, in combi- nation with the narrow exemption for banning racist parties, makes it appear as uncertain how effective a party ban would be in suppressing Nazi demonstra-tions. The paper’s final section thus discusses whether other measures should be considered. In this discussion the argument is made that a constitutional change that would limit the right of demonstration solely for Nazi or similar groups would probably be the most proportional and effective way of stopping Nazi demonstrations.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir o pensamento e a ação dos principais grupos políticos na República de Weimar (1918-1933), bem como ambiente político em que se dá a disputa entre estes grupos. Dessa maneira, o trabalho procura classificar o papel desses grupos na disputa política de Weimar dentro das categorias de pensamento Partido da Ordem, Ordem e Revolução. O estudo leva em conta o estabelecimento de um novo cenário político na Europa após o final da I Guerra Mundial, a Conferência de Paz em Paris e a Crise Econômica que abala o continente nesse período. Esse contexto propicia o fortalecimento, na Alemanha, de grupos que se apresentam como alternativas ao modelo liberal e democrático estabelecido pela República de Weimar. De um lado, os que chamaremos de Intérpretes da Ordem representados inicialmente por diversos grupos que, mais tarde, irão se cristalizar no Partido Nacional-Socialista (NSDAP). De outro, os partidários da Revolução representados desde a I Guerra pela Liga Espartaquista que, em 1919, se alinhou à III Internacional Comunista depois de seu frustrado levante revolucionário. Esses grupos opostos ganham tal força no quadro político alemão que seu embate pode ser sido um dos fatores determinantes do fim do pacto originário da República de Weimar. / This paper aims at discussing the political thought and action of the main political groups of the Weimar Republic (1918-1933), and also the political atmosphere in which this groups fight for power. Also this paper targets to classify the role of these groups in the political dispute in the categories of Party of Order, Order and Revolution. The reference of this work is the new political framework of Europe that emerges after the First World War, The Paris Peace Conference and the Economic Crises that collapse the continent. This context benefit the empowerment of the groups that appear as an alternative of liberal and democratic model established during the Weimar Republic. On one hand there is the group that advocates in favor of the Order- at the beginning represented by several groups, but latter it will form the National Socialist Party (NSDAP). On the other hand, there is the group that wants the Revolution- represented, since the First War, by the Spartacus League which has align, in 1919, with the III International after the fail of the revolutionary uprising. Those opposite groups gain a lot of power in the German political arena and their confrontation could be the reason of the end of the pact that has origin the Weimar Republic.

O autoritarismo, complexo fenômeno social largamente estudado pela Ciência Política e pela Psicologia Social, é aqui pesquisado em suas articulações com o sistema penal. Na medida em que o autoritarismo deriva do poder e em que o sistema penal deriva do direito, são estudados os conceitos de poder e de direito, em suas peculiaridades e inter-relações. Em seguida, examinam-se a história da construção do conceito de autoridade e os contextos políticos e psicológico-sociais em que o termo autoritarismo tem sido empregado, para, em seguida, analisar, abstrata e conceitualmente, suas inter-relações com o sistema penal. Observa-se que o autoritarismo é característica estrutural de todo e qualquer sistema penal, manifestando-se nas mais variadas agências desse sistema, e em todos os planos: na criminalização primária (ou seja, na edição de leis penais), na criminalização secundária (i.e., na aplicação concreta de poder punitivo a autores concretos), no poder positivo configurador da vida social, no discurso-jurídico penal (nas teorias dos juristas) e nos sistemas penais paralelo e subterrâneo. Como hipóteses de trabalho, são examinados o sistema penal alemão nazista e o sistema penal brasileiro contemporâneo, buscando verificar, ainda, se e em que medida há coincidências em propostas político-criminais e em práticas concretas de poder punitivo. / Authoritarianism, a complex social phenomenon that is widely studied by Political Science and by Social Psychology, is researched in this thesis in its articulations with the criminal system. As authoritarianism is derived from power, and the criminal system is derived from the law, the concepts of power and law are studied in their peculiarities and interrelationships. Further on, there is the analysis of the history of construction of the authority concept, and the political and social-psychological contexts in which the term authoritarianism has been employed, and, thereafter, the analysis of its interrelationships with the criminal system, in an abstract and conceptual manner. It is noted that authoritarianism is a structural characteristic of any and all criminal system, being shown in the most varied agencies of this system, and in all its plans: in primary criminalization (i.e., enactment of criminal laws), in secondary criminalization (i.e., concrete application of punitive power to concrete authors), in the positive power that shapes social life, in the criminal legal speech (in the jurists' theories), and in the parallel and subterranean criminal systems. As work cases, the Nazi German criminal system and the contemporary Brazilian criminal system are examined, also trying to find out whether and to what extent there are any coincidences in political-criminal proposals and concrete practices of punitive power.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-02-14T19:15:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Carlos Francisco Fonseca de Azevedo S?.pdf: 719071 bytes, checksum: 8edd903c8fc38fcb40be387e3da1f0b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-14T19:15:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Carlos Francisco Fonseca de Azevedo S?.pdf: 719071 bytes, checksum: 8edd903c8fc38fcb40be387e3da1f0b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-27 / CAPES / We present in this research how Albert Speer managed to, through writing his self-biography and his diary in Spandau prison, give meaning to his life trajectory. Within his books, Speer builds and shows an image of himself distant from the great Nazi crimes, as a continuous defense since the Nuremberg Trials. / Buscamos apresentar neste trabalho como Albert Speer procurou, atrav?s da escrita de sua autobiografia e de seu di?rio na cadeia de Spandau, dar sentido a sua trajet?ria de vida. Ao longo destes dois livros Speer tenta construir e apresentar uma imagem de si afastada dos grandes crimes cometidos pelo nazismo, como uma continua??o de sua defesa no Tribunal de Nuremberg

I den här uppsatsen har jag valt att undersöka pressbilden av Nazitysklands erövringar av under 1938. Först det så kallade Anschluss i Österrike och sen ockupationen av delar av dåvarande Tjeckoslovakien, det så kallade Sudetenlandet. Som forskningsmaterial har jag valt att undersöka två tidningar, Social-Demokraten och Stockholms-Tidningen. Syftet har varit att försöka förstå den vilken bild en läsare fick av de här händelserna när de föregav sig samt undersöka hur tidningarna förhöll sig till sina källor och hur de beskrev frågorna kring folk och minoriteter som de här kriserna handlade om.Som utgångspunkt för min undersökning har jag anlagt ett moraliskt perspektiv som det målats upp av Klas Åmark i hans bok Att bo granne med ondskan. Jag har utfört en kvalitativ hermeneutisk studie av 135 antal artiklar jämt fördelade mellan de två tidningarna där jag dels jämfört tidningarna med varandra men även jämfört det som skrivs med vad som faktiskt skedde rent historiskt.Jag har kommit fram till att tidningarna skiljer sig markant åt i sin rapportering, Social-Demokraten presenterar en mycket negativ bild av det som sker och ger klart Nazityskland skulden för det som sker medan den bild av händelserna som Stockholms-Tidningen framför är mycket mer ”neutral” och bitvis pro-tysk.Båda tidningarna rapporterar om minoritetsfrågan, både den judiska och den sudettyska och intar olika attityder mot dessa men upphör sedan att vidare beskriva dessa minoriteters öden allt eftersom kriserna går mot sitt slut.

This thesis investigates the background, activities, and motivations of German women who provided administrative support for Nazi institutions and agencies of the Third Reich. It compares women who specifically chose to serve the Nazi cause in voluntary roles with those who took on such work as a progression of established careers. Using a variety of sources, including post-war testimony in criminal cases, it shows how much they knew about the repressive and genocidal aspects of the regime and evaluates the role that ideology, as against other factors, played in their loyalty to their employers. Secretaries, SS-Helferinnen (SS female auxiliaries) and Nachrichtenhelferinnen des Heeres (female communication auxiliaries of the army) held similar jobs: taking dictation, answering telephones, and sending telegrams. Yet their backgrounds differed markedly. While secretaries were habitually recruited on the basis of their prior experience and competencies, the Helferinnen predominantly volunteered, sometimes motivated by ideology and the opportunity to serve their country, sometimes enticed by the prospect of foreign travel or the lure of the uniform. The thesis sheds light on these women's backgrounds: their social status, education, career patterns. It seeks to explain the situations and motives that propelled them into their positions and explores what they knew about the true nature of their work. These women often had access to information about the administration of genocide and are a relatively untapped resource. Their recollections shed light on the lives and work of their superiors, the mundane tasks that contributed to the displacement, deportation and death of millions of people across Europe, and the extent to which information about these atrocities was communicated and comprehended. Attention is paid to the specific role played by gender amongst perpetrators of the Holocaust. The question of how gender intersected with National Socialism, repression, atrocity and genocide forms the conceptual thread linking the separate chapters on these three groups of women who had varied backgrounds and degrees of initial commitment to Nazi ideology.