Lobbying regulation in the Czech Republic - recommendations based on international experience Summary Lobbying is a natural part of contemporary globalized world, where political interests meet intensively with the economic and other private interests. In order to strengthen the principles, especially transparency and responsibility, some countries adopt lobbying regulation. The USA, Canada, Poland, Hungary, Lithuania and the EU institutions approach to lobbying in some aspects in the same way, in many other aspects they approach to it very differently. Different historical and socio-economical experience of these entities has, often substantial, influence on the differences of their regulation approach. The Czech Republic shares with many mentioned countries the experience of post- communist state, which does not have long democratic political culture and which has many problems with corruption in the public decision-making process. Lobbying regulation under Czech conditions is therefore necessary for raising transparency and responsibility of politicians. During the preparation of the future regulation, it is necessary to respect recmmendations of the international organizations and to thoroughly analyze experience of other states. The necessary parts of the future law should be especially: clear...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Alberto Maciel Publio.pdf: 650541 bytes, checksum: 657f0a13df3608af8395ab55c932e749 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-22 / The objective of this research is to study the Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA) - City Council for the Rights of the Child and Adolescent - of the City of Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, since its implantation (1991) until the current days. The research was centered in the analysis of the COMDICA s capacity in influencing the public policies for infancy and adolescence as a privileged lócus to the exercise of the participatory democracy. In this view, the research was turned towards the understanding of the interlocutions quality of the Council with the City public power and with the institutions that take care of children and adolescents and also for knowledge of the technical level of the City s Council members on its functions as representants of the civil society and the ability of implementation of its deliberations. In conducting the research, it was evidenced that the COMDICA did not reach its objective as an instance that deliberates on public policies for infancy and adolescence. On the other hand, the city during the administrations of the Partido dos Trabalhadores party (PT), which corresponds to three mandates and, one third, in course, became truthfully a regional reference for implanting projects and developing actions (in the several areas) with the objective to reduce social inequalities and, over all, for assuring the children s and adolescent s rights in situation of social vulnerability / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA), do Município de Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, a partir de sua instalação (1991) até os dias atuais. A pesquisa centrou-se na análise da capacidade do COMDICA em influenciar as políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência como lócus privilegiado do exercício da democracia participativa. Neste sentido, a pesquisa voltou-se para o entendimento da qualidade da interlocução do Conselho com o poder público municipal e com as instituições que atendem crianças e adolescentes e para conhecimento do nível técnico dos conselheiros municipais de direitos sobre suas funções como representantes da sociedade civil e a capacidade de efetivação das suas deliberações. No transcorrer da pesquisa, constatou-se que o COMDICA não alcançou o seu objetivo como instância que delibera sobre políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência. Por outro lado, o município durante as administrações do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), correspondentes a três mandatos e, um terceiro, em curso, tornou-se uma referência regional notadamente por implantar projetos e desenvolver ações (nas diversas áreas) com o objetivo de reduzir as desigualdades sociais e, sobretudo, por assegurar os direitos da criança e do adolescente em situação de vulnerabilidade social

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Alberto Maciel Publio.pdf: 650541 bytes, checksum: 657f0a13df3608af8395ab55c932e749 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-22 / The objective of this research is to study the Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA) - City Council for the Rights of the Child and Adolescent - of the City of Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, since its implantation (1991) until the current days. The research was centered in the analysis of the COMDICA s capacity in influencing the public policies for infancy and adolescence as a privileged lócus to the exercise of the participatory democracy. In this view, the research was turned towards the understanding of the interlocutions quality of the Council with the City public power and with the institutions that take care of children and adolescents and also for knowledge of the technical level of the City s Council members on its functions as representants of the civil society and the ability of implementation of its deliberations. In conducting the research, it was evidenced that the COMDICA did not reach its objective as an instance that deliberates on public policies for infancy and adolescence. On the other hand, the city during the administrations of the Partido dos Trabalhadores party (PT), which corresponds to three mandates and, one third, in course, became truthfully a regional reference for implanting projects and developing actions (in the several areas) with the objective to reduce social inequalities and, over all, for assuring the children s and adolescent s rights in situation of social vulnerability / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA), do Município de Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, a partir de sua instalação (1991) até os dias atuais. A pesquisa centrou-se na análise da capacidade do COMDICA em influenciar as políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência como lócus privilegiado do exercício da democracia participativa. Neste sentido, a pesquisa voltou-se para o entendimento da qualidade da interlocução do Conselho com o poder público municipal e com as instituições que atendem crianças e adolescentes e para conhecimento do nível técnico dos conselheiros municipais de direitos sobre suas funções como representantes da sociedade civil e a capacidade de efetivação das suas deliberações. No transcorrer da pesquisa, constatou-se que o COMDICA não alcançou o seu objetivo como instância que delibera sobre políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência. Por outro lado, o município durante as administrações do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), correspondentes a três mandatos e, um terceiro, em curso, tornou-se uma referência regional notadamente por implantar projetos e desenvolver ações (nas diversas áreas) com o objetivo de reduzir as desigualdades sociais e, sobretudo, por assegurar os direitos da criança e do adolescente em situação de vulnerabilidade social

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Melissa Barbosa Tabosa do Egito.pdf: 832678 bytes, checksum: 0e1285ae295c117678dfb3443cf7e646 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-05 / The present study aims to investigate the character of decisions of the boards policymakers and the attitude of the Judiciary, when faced with the legalization of an impasse between the board and executive ie, when negative, by the manager, applying the policy decided by the board. To perform the analysis, is necessary to take off from major democratic theories of the twentieth century and to analyze the social participation in the 1988 Constitution. Then it deals specifically about the policy councils, their legal prevision, their participation in the formulation and monitoring of public policies. Before the multi subjective conflicts, characteristic of the impasses that deal with social rights that are object of public policies, Judiciary is required to make use of an hermeneutical model in which interpretation does not consist in an act of syllogism. Therefore, this paper analyzes the philosophical hermeneutics of Gadamer and its influence on the Structuring Law Theory of Müller, which is part of the constitutional concept of concretion. Thus, it is necessary to introduce elements of reality in the hermeneutical process in order to build the order for the concrete case. Approaches the idea that the real interpreters of the Constitution are all the ones it addresses to (Häberle) to conclude that, considering the constitutional prevision when the judicialization of the impasses between the Executive and councils takes place, the court must reverse the burden of argument, so that it fits this Power to check that the board's decision is not the one that best targets the promotion of social rights / O presente trabalho se propõe a investigar o caráter das decisões dos conselhos gestores de políticas públicas e a postura do Poder Judiciário, quando diante da judicialização de um impasse entre conselho e Executivo, isto é, quando houver negativa, por parte do gestor, de aplicar a política deliberada pelo conselho. Para realizar sua análise, parte-se de algumas das principais teorias democráticas do século XX e analisa a participação social na Constituição de 1988. Em seguida, trata especificamente dos conselhos de políticas, sua previsão legal, sua participação na formulação e fiscalização das políticas públicas. Diante dos conflitos plurissubjetivos, característicos dos impasses que versam sobre direitos sociais objeto de políticas públicas, impende que o Judiciário faça uso de um modelo hermenêutico em que a interpretação não consista ato de silogismo. Por isso, o trabalho analisa a hermenêutica filosófica de Gadamer e sua influência na Teoria Estruturante do Direito de Müller, da qual faz parte a noção de concretização constitucional. Assim, é preciso que se introduzam elementos da realidade no processo hermenêutico, a fim de construir a norma para o caso concreto. Aborda a ideia de que são os reais intérpretes da Constituição todos os seus destinatários (Häberle) para concluir que, considerando a previsão constitucional, quando da judicialização dos impasses entre Poder Executivo e conselhos, o juiz deve inverter o ônus argumentativo, de forma que cabe a este Poder, comprovar que a decisão do conselho não é a que melhor se coaduna com a promoção dos direitos sociais

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Kalil.pdf: 1708469 bytes, checksum: 351e62fde2a6802246162bf1c86afa06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-28 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / The preamble of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988, called Citizen Constitution states that representatives of the Brazilian people gathered in the National Constituent Assembly to institute a Democratic State. This democratic state founded on some fundamental principles constitutionally expressed, including, sovereignty and citizenship, which are prerequisites for citizens' political participation in public affairs. All these concepts are interrelated, complementing each other and constitute a set of principles, rights and duties, which provides the practical existence of democratic political order. The challenge of Brazilian society, as well as of other contemporary democratic societies, is to promote the improvement and accomplishment of popular participation in the State s life, which reveals a very complex task from the moment one understands that, first, it is imperative that become effective the rights and guarantees proclaimed in the Constitution. Aside from this need, it is essential, also, that people dispose of participatory mechanisms, which enjoy a truly legal and political framework that aims at the achievement, execution and result. In a country whose highest law prescribes that all power emanates from the people, who may exercise it in a direct form, popular participation is a prerequisite for the fulfillment of the purposes of a democratic State under law. The plebiscite comes as a fundamentally valuable tool for the achievement and consolidation of participatory democracy. / O preâmbulo da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, denominada Constituição Cidadã, declara que representantes do povo brasileiro reuniram-se em Assembléia Nacional Constituinte para instituir um Estado Democrático. Esse Estado Democrático de Direito alicerça-se em alguns princípios fundamentais constitucionalmente expressos, dentre eles, a soberania e a cidadania, que são pressupostos para a participação política dos cidadãos nos negócios públicos. Todos esses conceitos estão interligados, complementando-se mutuamente, e constituem um conjunto de princípios, direitos e deveres, que propicia a existência prática da ordem política democrática. O desafio da sociedade brasileira, assim como das demais sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, é promover o aprimoramento e a concretização da participação popular na vida do Estado, o que se revela tarefa de grande complexidade a partir do momento que se compreende que, antes, é imprescindível que se efetivem os direitos e garantias fundamentais previstos na Constituição. Afora essa necessidade, é essencial, ainda, que o povo disponha de mecanismos participativos, que usufruam de uma estrutura genuinamente legal e política que vise à sua aplicação, execução e resultado. Em um país cuja Lei Maior prescreve que todo o poder emana do povo, que poderá exercê-lo de forma direta, a participação popular é requisito para o cumprimento dos propósitos do Estado Democrático de Direito. O plebiscito surge como um instrumento fundamentalmente valioso para a realização e consolidação da democracia participativa.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina de Mello Gomide.pdf: 638990 bytes, checksum: b048873da2c4f4f067c70cdb09cb156d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This master´s dissertation purpose is the study of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in the city of Sao Paulo in the period of years 2000 to 2007. The objective is to investigate and analyse, based on the relationship that Social Movements and NGOs built in the Brazilian context, the social and political mediations thar serve as reference to the policy making in the relationship of these two constituent subjects in the contemporary days. The hypothesis assumed here is that social representations of Social Movements and NGOs reveal that the relations between them include, although ambivalent, partnership and political dispute in the context of participatory democratic process. The study of the matter included research in the areas of Sociology, Social Service and Social Psychology, from where we could set apart as basic conceptual references: State / Civil Society Participatory Democracy, Policy Making and Social Representations. There was also documentary research on web sites that contained data on the subject searched and the organizations they represent. The qualitative research methodology was adopted, and semi-structured interviews with open questions have been used as tools for date collection, which started from a script. For analysis of the data the technique adopted was the analysis of content. The research results showed that the ambivalent character of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in Sao Paulo, in the contemporary days, expressing conflicts, tensions, political disputes, dialogues and partnerships. It showed also that, beyond the relations of disputes, there are possibilities for inter-relations between NGOs and Social Movements in forums and networking, defined as areas of collective struggles, the definition of common agendas and build consensus, pointed to expansion and consolidation of project Brazilian participatory-democratic / A presente dissertação de mestrado teve por objeto o estudo das relações de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs na cidade de São Paulo, no período compreendido entre os anos de 2000 a 2007. Objetivou-se investigar e analisar, a partir da relação que Movimentos Sociais e ONGs construíram no contexto brasileiro, as mediações sociais e políticas que referenciam o fazer política desses dois sujeitos sociais e os elementos constitutivos da relação entre ambos na contemporaneidade. Definiu-se como hipótese que as representações sociais de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs revelam que suas relações incluem, de forma ambivalente, a parceria e a disputa política, no contexto do processo democrático participativo. O estudo da temática compreendeu levantamentos bibliográficos nas áreas da Sociologia, Serviço Social e Psicologia Social, dos quais destacam -se como referências conceituais básicas: Estado/Sociedade Civil, Democracia Participativa, Fazer Política e Representações Sociais. Procedeu-se ainda pesquisa documental em sites da Internet que continham dados sobre os sujeitos pesquisados e as organizações que representam. Adotou-se como metodologia a pesquisa qualitativa, tendo sido utilizados como instrumentos de coleta de dados entrevistas semi-estruturadas, com perguntas abertas, que partiram de um roteiro. Para análise dos dados obtidos foi aplicada a técnica de análise de conteúdo. A pesquisa revelou como resultados que as relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em São Paulo, na contemporaneidade são de caráter ambivalente, expressando conflitos, tensões, disputas políticas, diálogos e parcerias. Revelou ainda que, para além das relações de disputas, há possibilidades de outras inter-relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em Fóruns e Redes, entendidos como espaços coletivos de lutas, definição de agendas comuns e construção de consensos, direcionados à ampliação e consolidação do projeto democrático-participativo brasileiro

Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.

Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.

In questo lavoro viene presentata una metodologia di analisi del sistema delle infrastrutture verdi/grigie degli ambienti urbani classificabili per la loro sostenibilità ambientale. Questa analisi, permette la costruzione di una matrice che può essere analizzata matematicamente. Il problema di knapsack a scelta multipla è la base dell'approccio dove viene proposto un algoritmo risolutivo efficiente per ottenere la soluzione ottima lineare al problema, e tale metodo algoritmico viene incorporato in un algoritmo di programmazione dinamica per il problema intero. Nel caso trattato la seconda funzione obiettivo è stata utilizzata per minimizzare la differenza complessiva tra gli stati di competenza di ciascuna infrastruttura. Un ulteriore set di vincoli è stato usato nelle due macroclassi contenenti rispettivamente le infrastrutture di tipo pubblico e di tipo privato. Il modello utilizzato in questo lavoro è stato sviluppato ad-hoc per rappresentare il problema decisionale considerato e tutte le sue caratteristiche peculiari. Il modello sviluppato presenta dunque elementi di originalità, al meglio della conoscenza dell'autore. A migliorare l'accettabilità delle scelte progettuali è stato introdotto anche il processo di progettazione partecipata attraverso l'electronic town meeting. Le risultanze di tale approccio metodologico ottimizza l’impiego di risorse economiche limitate verso una migliore qualità della vita negli ambienti urbani. / In this paper we present a methodology for analyzing the system of green/gray infrastructure urban environments classified for their environmental sustainability. This analysis, allows the construction of a matrix that can be analyzed mathematically. The knapsack problem of multiple choice is the basis of the approach is proposed where a resolutive efficient algorithm to obtain the optimal solution to the problem linear, and this algorithmic method is incorporated in a dynamic programming algorithm for the entire problem. In the case treated the second objective function has been used to minimize the overall difference between the states of competence of each infrastructure. A further set of constraints has been used in the two macroclasses containing respectively the infrastructure type of public and private type. The model used in this work was developed ad hoc to represent the decision problem under consideration and all its characteristics. The model developed thus presents elements of originality, to the best knowledge of the author. To improve the acceptability of the design choices is also introduced the process of participatory planning through the electronic town meeting. The results of this methodological approach optimizes the use of limited financial resources towards a better quality of life in urban environments.

A democratic workplace is one where workers as a body have the right to determine the internal organization and future direction of the firm. Worker co-operatives are a type of democratic firm. In a worker co-operative employees are joint-owners of the firm and participate democratically in workplace governance. Much has been written about the supposed benefits of worker co-operatives for workers and for society. One thread of this research, originating with Carole Pateman’s theoretical work (Pateman 1970), argues that worker co-operatives act as sites of political learning for workers. By participating democratically in workplace decisions, individuals are thought to learn the skills and psychological dispositions needed to participate in political democracy. A second thread argues that co-operatives will improve worker well-being. Democratic governance will give workers control over work organization, increasing autonomy in their daily lives, and leading to an increase in non-material work rewards such as job satisfaction. Worker ownership will equalize the material rewards from work and improve job security. These arguments are premised on the idea that democratic governance structures and worker ownership will lead to widespread, effective worker participation in decision-making and the equalization of power at work. However, insufficient attention is given to the contextual factors beyond formal governance and ownership structures that shape the internal dynamics of workplace democracy. I conduct an in-depth, mixed-methods case study of a worker co-operative with 158 employees in the UK cycling retail industry. Using survey research, social network analysis, in-depth interviews and direct observation, I show how individual differences, firm-level contextual factors such as the social composition of the organization, and macro-level factors such as economic and cultural context, lead to unequal participation opportunities and different outcomes for different groups of workers within the firm. My research leads to three conclusions. First, the outcomes of workplace democracy for workers are highly context-dependent. They will differ across groups of workers within co-operatives, across different democratic firms, and across cultures. Second, the relationship between workplace democracy and political participation is more complex than the Pateman thesis suggests. It is contingent on the political identities of workers, which are themselves shaped by wider political economic context. Political identity affects both participation behaviour at work, and how workplace experience shapes political views. Third, the subjective well-being outcomes of workplace democracy depend on workers’ expectations about work. Expectations are shaped by the same forces that mould political identity. Workplace democracy raises expectations for certain groups of workers, leading to well-being harms when expectations are not met. Overall, the benefits of workplace democracy for workers and for society are overstated. In the UK context, co-ops are unlikely to realize the benefits attributed to them without large-scale public policy interventions.