Submitted by CARLA MARIA GOULART DE MORAES (carlagm) on 2015-06-24T18:22:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 VirginiaIcleDireito.pdf: 919455 bytes, checksum: 652d8c36d0e378644606e95ab56970b0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-24T18:22:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VirginiaIcleDireito.pdf: 919455 bytes, checksum: 652d8c36d0e378644606e95ab56970b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-27 / Nenhuma / A proposta em desenvolver os processos judiciais sem dilações indevidas deve ser desenvolvida mediante práticas que estejam em concordância com os ditames Constitucionais. Para a concretização da tutela jurisdicional, é necessário que tais práticas, além de estarem em conformidade com a segurança do ordenamento jurídico e, capazes de efetivarem o direito fundamental a razoável duração do processo, contribuam, de forma efetiva, com os objetivos traçados pela Constituição. A audiência preliminar será investigada como um instrumento processual capaz de evitar dilações indevidas no decorrer dos processos, seja mediante a possibilidade de conciliação entre as partes, seja por meio do saneamento do processo. Permite a participação mais ativa dos agentes do processo, através do uso da oralidade. Neste sentido, compõe um sistema processual dinâmico, permitindo o “acesso à justiça” em sentido amplo, contemplando ao povo, a adjetivação de cidadão e difundindo a democracia participativa como proposta de Estado a ser adotada para a sociedade contemporânea. Nesse contexto, se pode vislumbrar que o dispositivo do art.331 do Código de Processo Civil Brasileiro, contribui com a efetividade do direito fundamental à razoável duração do processo, objetivando a redução da demora processual injustificável. Para tanto, cabe aos magistrados utilizarem-se de uma interpretação hermenêutica dos ditames constitucionais conjugada com os fatores externos que irão influenciá-lo. A problematização em questão pretende estudar a sociedade no momento atual, onde anseia pela consagração do direito fundamental ao processo em tempo razoável, o qual deve ser promovido por parte do Estado, já que o mesmo lhe consagrou constitucionalmente com o advento da EC 45/2004. Nesse contexto, cabe ao Estado responder pela demora injustificada dos tempos processuais. E a reparação deve manifestar-se através da indenização em favor do cidadão que teve seu direito tolhido, por conseqüência de um ato estatal, ou, no caso da audiência preliminar, sua inércia. / The proposal to develop the judicial procedures without undue delay should be developed through practices that are in accordance with the constitutional dictates. For the completion of judicial review, it is necessary that such practices, and comply with the safety of the legal system and able to enforce the fundamental right to a reasonable duration of the process, contribute, effectively, to the goals set by Constitution. The preliminary hearing will be investigated as a procedural tool that will prevent undue delays during the process, either through the possibility of conciliation between the parties, either through the restructuring process. Allows more active participation of the process’s, through the use of orality. In this sense, forms a dynamic procedural system, allowing "access to justice" in a broad sense, covering the people, the adjective of citizen participatory democracy and spreading as a proposed rule to be adopted to contemporary society. In this context, we can see that the machinery of article 331 of the Brazilian Civil Procedure Code, contributes to the effectiveness of the fundamental right of a reasonable duration of the process, aiming at the reduction of procedural delay unjustifiable. For this, use it to judges is a hermeneutic interpretation of constitutional principles coupled with external factors which will influence him, adopting the theory as formalism evaluative procedures. The questioning concerned intends to study the society at present, which yearns for the consecration of the fundamental right to process in reasonable time, which should be promoted by the state, since the constitutionally enshrined it even with the advent of constitutional emendment 45/2004. In this context, the State must answer for the undue delay of the procedural time. And the repair should be manifested through indemnity in favor of the citizen who had checked his right, as a consequence of a state act, or, if the preliminary hearing, his inertia.

No description available.

The representative democracy has become weakened during the last decades. At the same time the United Nations declared at the Rio de Janeiro meeting in 1992 that environmental problems can best be solved by involvement of all concerned citizens in decision-making. The main purpose of this study has been to examine if citizens panels is a possible way to involve citizens in environmental decision-making and what the outcomes can be. Furthermore the study has investigated what the participation has contributed to environmental politics and how representative the results have been. This has been carried out by investigating the Piteåpanel in the municipality of Piteå by conducting interviews. The result of the study shows that the involvement of the citizens in the decision-making influenced the environmental politics of the municipality. The most striking result is that involving the citizens in the process of forming a climate and energy plan made the final plan more explicit and ambitious. However regarding the representativity the decisions can’t be considered fully representative from a political equality point of view. Despite this the decisions that have been made can be regarded as more legitimate because the citizens have been a part of the decision-making. The study argues in a careful way that increased participation in environmental decision-making in the form of citizens panels can be one of several approaches to both overcome the problems with the representative democracy and solve the environmental problems. / Den representativa demokratin har under de senaste årtiondena blivit försvagad. Detta samtidigt som FN vid Rio de Janeiro mötet 1992 deklarerade att miljöproblemen bäst kan lösas med att involvera alla berörda medborgare i beslutsfattandet. Syftet med denna undersökning har i huvudsak varit att se närmare på om medborgarpaneler kan vara ett sätt att involvera medborgarna i miljöfrågor och vilken effekt det kan få. Vidare har studien också undersökt vilken inverkan deltagandet fått på miljöpolitiken och hur representativt resultatet varit. Detta har skett genom att undersöka Piteåpanelen i Piteå kommun med genomförandet av intervjuer. Studiens resultat visar att involverandet av medborgarna i beslutsfattandet har påverkat kommunens miljöpolitik. Framförallt visar det sig att i arbetet med att ta fram en klimat och energiplan bidrog deltagandet till att den slutgiltiga planen blev mer tydlig och ambitiös. Gällande representativiteten visar det sig dock att resultaten ifrån panelen inte kan anses fullt representativa utifrån aspekten politisk jämlikhet. Trots detta har dock besluten som fattats fått en större legitimitet på grund av att medborgarna fått vara med i beslutsprocessen. Studien ställer sig försiktigt positiv till att ett ökat deltagande i miljöfrågor i form av medborgar-paneler kan vara ett av flera tillvägagångssätt i att både överbrygga problemen med den representativa demokratin samt lösa de miljöproblem som finns.

Il Bilancio Partecipativo (BP) è probabilmente l’esempio più famoso ed interessante di governance locale per i suoi effetti democratici e redistributivi. Per via del coinvolgimento diretto dei cittadini nel processo decisionale, il BP è considerato una forma di democrazia diretta capace di ovviare agli attuali limiti della democrazia rappresentativa moderna. Tuttavia, ad un’attenta analisi, è possibile identificare nel suo funzionamento anche degli elementi rappresentativi che non sono mai stati presi molto in seria considerazione. Infatti, poiché la partecipazione avviene solitamente attraverso gruppi ed associazioni, nuove forme di rappresentanza e nuovi rappresentanti emergono in competizione con quelli tradizionali politici in termini di consenso, sostegno popolare e dunque legittimità. Il presente lavoro vuole andare oltre il pensiero corrente e proporre un’interpretazione originale del modello istituzionale del BP come una forma nuova ed alternativa di democrazia rappresentativa, in cui le organizzazioni della società civile assumono un ruolo centrale: dietro al BP vi sarebbe una sorta di democrazia ‘civile’. Questo punto di vista alternativo non solo può stimolare un ulteriore dibattito in letteratura, ma aprire anche degli scenari interessanti in relazione ai temi più generali della crisi delle istituzioni liberal-democratiche e del ruolo e dell’identità della società civile. / Participatory Budgeting (PB) is probably the most famous and interesting example of innovative local governance for its redistributive and democratic effects. Due to the direct involvement of citizens in the decision-making process, PB is celebrated as an example of direct democracy which can help to deal with the limits of representative democracy. However, on closer analysis, it is possible to identify elements of representation in its functioning, which are taken into little consideration and which could probably modify the prevalent theoretical belief. In fact, as citizens usually participate through their groups and associations, new representatives emerge challenging the traditional channels of political representation in terms of popular approval, consensus, hence legitimacy. This work aims to go beyond the prevailing narrative and propose an original interpretation of the PB’s institutional model as a new and alternative representative democracy, where the main political actors become organizations from the civil society: behind PB there seems to lie a sort of ‘civil’ democracy. Hence, introducing this alternative viewpoint can, not only further questions which are never fully considered in the literature, but also open interesting scenarios in the debate over the crisis of liberal-democratic institutions and the role and the identity of civil society.

The aim of the study was to investigate the training of school governing bodies in the Free State Province from an education management point of view. Since 1994 the South African government has adopted a number of policy documents aimed at democratizing education in the country. The transformation of education in the new South African context encompasses the idea of partnership in which participants - such as parents, educators, learners (in secondary schools) play an active role in taking decisions on behalf of the school. The State alone cannot control schools, but has to share its power with other stakeholders. However, this can only happen if participants in school governance are trained to have power and the capacity to decide on matters affecting their schools. Hence, training is the cornerstone of affirming governors in the execution of their roles and responsibilities. Since school governing bodies are composed of a cross section of people with different ideologies, expectations and levels of education - training is necessary to prepare then for co-operative governance. Without adequate and on-going in-service training, it is unlikely that school governing body members can make informed decisions. The empirical method, namely qualitative research, was successful in obtaining information from participants about the training offered to them. It also established how participants felt and thought about their experiences and perceptions about the training they received, whether it built capacity or not. A number of recommendations were made with regard to the research findings for stakeholders to note. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

The dissertation deals with the roots of civic apathy in local government, and the main emphasis is to establish the root cause/s of civic apathy. The hypothesis: 'civic apathy is a phenomenon intensified by ignorance and a feeling of powerlessness and frustration on the electorate' is tested in this study. To examine further specific aspects of civic apathy, including establishing the cause/s and effects of apathy, the author conducted a quantitative research in the Northern Metropolitan Area m Johannesburg, using questionnaires and literature study as the research method. The hypothesis advanced in the dissertation has been validated insofar as it has been argued and demonstrated that indeed people can feel powerless and frustrated if they are deliberately being excluded from, or denied the opportunity to participate actively in their local government activities. The main finding is that civic apathy is intensified by ignorance. However, the most important finding is that there ts a causal relationship between powerlessness, frustration and apathy. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration)

Trois jours avant les élections nationales de 2010 au Royaume-Uni, l’association London Citizens réunit les trois principaux prétendants à la fonction de Premier Ministre. Parmi les 2 200 personnes présentes dans la salle, certaines défilent sur scène et confrontent les candidats à des revendications (portant sur le salaire minimum, les droits des immigrés, les logements abordables et l’accès au crédit), tout en les enjoignant à reconnaître et à promouvoir le rôle de la « société civile » dans la gouvernance londonienne. À la pointe de ce combat, London Citizens représente un très large éventail d’organisations - congrégations religieuses, établissements scolaires, syndicats et autres associations - qui cherchent collectivement à faire entendre leur voix en interpellant les responsables politiques, mais également les acteurs économiques, bousculant ainsi les règles du jeu politique traditionnel. Construite sur le modèle du Broad-Based Community Organizing initié par Saul Alinsky dans les années 1940 à Chicago, London Citizens cherche à mobiliser un très grand nombre de communautés et d’habitants de Londres. Encadrés par des « organisateurs », les différents membres se rencontrent régulièrement et mènent ensemble des actions collectives sur des territoires et des sujets variés. « Démocratique » sous bien des aspects, l’action de London Citizens est aussi ambigüe au regard de sa conception de l’émancipation citoyenne et des changements sociaux visés. C’est une approche pragmatique de la citoyenneté et de la démocratie qui est alors mise en avant. / Three days before the general elections of 2010 in the UK, the organisation called London Citizens brings together the leaders of the three main parties. Among the 2,200 people in the room, some come on stage and confront the candidates with their demands (on the minimum wage, immigrant rights, affordable housing and access to credit), while urging them to recognize and promote the role of "civil society" in the governance of London. At the forefront of this fight, London Citizens represents a very wide range of organizations - religious congregations, schools, trade unions and other associations - which collectively seek to make their voices heard by politicians, but also economic actors, upsetting the traditional rules of politics. Built on the model of broad-based community organizing initiated by Saul Alinsky in the 1940s in Chicago, London Citizens seeks to mobilize a large number of London communities and residents. Supervised by "organizers", the various members meet on a regular basis and conduct collective actions, big and small, on different issues. "Democratic" in many ways, the work of London Citizens is also ambiguous with regard to its conception of citizen empowerment and targeted social changes. In so doing, it promotes a pragmatic approach to citizenship and democracy.

Dans le courant des années 2000, plusieurs Conseils régionaux en Europe ont produit une action publique spécifique sur la démocratie participative (Poitou-Charentes, Catalogne, Rhône-Alpes, Nord-Pas-de-Calais, Toscane…). La thèse analyse de manière comparée les dynamiques d'institutionnalisation des « politiques de participation » menées par deux Conseils régionaux : la Toscane et le Nord-Pas-de-Calais. De prime abord, la comparaison donne à voir des politiques régionales structurées de manière relativement similaire : renforcement de la dimension participative de l'action publique régionale ; soutien à la mise en oeuvre de dispositifs participatifs locaux et mise en oeuvre d'un dispositif de débat publicrégional sur les grands projets d'infrastructures.Adossée à une comparaison transnationale éclairant les processus de circulation desdispositifs et le rôle d'experts de la démocratie participative, la thèse montre que la similarité de ces politiques publiques tient en partie à la circulation de standards internationaux et à l'homologie de position de ces institutions dans l'ordre politico-administratif national. Néanmoins, en prêtant attention au cas particulier de la circulation du modèle du débat public français, dans et entre ces deux Régions, et à son appropriation différenciée, l'analyse amène à relativiser la thèse de la convergence mimétique de ces politiques publiques. Ellesapparaissent en effet différentes au regard de leur structure et des dispositifs participatifs qu'elles produisent.La question de la convergence/divergence de ces politiques régionales est rendue d'autant plus complexe que les acteurs régionaux de ces offres régionales, pris dans les contraintes inhérentes au jeu institutionnel, participent d'une remise quasi-permanente de la politique sur le métier de la réforme. L’analyse révèle alors une mise en institution à la fois ordinaire (élus délégués, fonctionnaires spécialisés, budgets dédiés) et indéterminée de la démocratie participative : les orientations politiques peinent à se définir tandis que les dispositifs sontsans cesse re-questionnés. L'étude sur le long terme de la mise en oeuvre de ces politiques et de leur réforme donne en effet à voir un arrimage institutionnel ambivalent, à la fois durable et toujours en mouvement, autrement dit, inconsistant. / Over the course of the 2000s, several Regional councils in Europe produced specific public policies of participatory democracy (Poitou-Charentes, Catalonia, Rhône-Alpes, Nord-Pas-de-Calais, Tuscany, etc.) This thesis is a comparative analysis of the dynamics of institutionalisation of “participatory policies” held by two Regional councils: Tuscany and Nord-Pas-de-Calais. At first glance, the comparison shows the structures of the two regional policies are relatively similar : strengthening of the participatory dimension within regionalpublic action; public support for the implementation of local participatory planning and implementation of regional public discussion planning in the framework of major infrastructure projects. Along with a transnational comparison enlightening the processes of participatory planning's circulation and the role of the experts within the field of participatory democracy, the thesis shows that the analogy between these two public policies stands partly in the effective circulation of international standards as well as in the similar position held bythe two institutions within the national politico-administrative system. However, paying attention to the special case of the circulation of the public discussion's french model within and between those two regions, and its differentiated appropriation, the analysis leads to put in perspective the thesis that states the mimetic convergence of these public policies. They actually seem to be different with regard to their structure and the participatory planning they produce.The question of the convergence/divergence of these two regional policies is even more complex as the regional players providing the participatory offers at regional level, caught up in the constraints of the “institutional game”, contribute to the nearly perpetual reassessment of the policy through successive reforms.T h e analysis then reveals how participatory democracy is institutionalised (elected delegates, specialized civil servants, and dedicated budgets) in an ordinary and undetermined manner: political orientations are hardly defined while the participatory dispositions are continuously reassessed. The long-term study of the implementation process of the policies and their reforms actually shows an ambivalent institutional effort, both sustainable and constantly in motion, but altogether inconsequential.

This Master's thesis deals with the description of the current state of community planning of social services and the mid-term planning of development of social services in the Karlovy Vary region. At the same time, the thesis reflects the historical content which led to the use of the community planning method in The Czech Republic. In the thesis, the author uses examples from abroad and from The Czech Republic that show specific problems especially encountered by organizers planning social services. The author bases his research on his analysis of interviews held with planning coordinators in the Karlovy Vary region. From the coordinators viewpoint, they describe structure and course of social service planning processes in the region. The author also examines the role of users invited into the planning of social services, how planning organizers communicate with those users, and how all representatives evaluate the plan's results. An additional information source regading social services planning dealt with publicly available resources, particularly websites of individual cities and their regions. The objectives of using this sources were to describe the planning of social services in the Karlovy Vary region and to determine its main active players. In conclusion, the author summarizes the...

Conceptually, South Africa is “one sovereign democratic state”, with a three-sphere governmental system operating co-operatively. Each sphere of government has “original” or constitutionally-allocated powers and functions, as well as legislative and executive powers. Thus, the governmental system is a hybrid or one sui generis, not benefiting from appropriate precedents. The status and autonomy given local government makes it somewhat unique in the world. Application of the principle of subsidiarity, and the mandate for local government to be developmental has resulted in the roles and responsibilities of municipalities being substantially increased, notwithstanding that most suffer from a lack of resources and capacity. Local authorities moved from the establishment of the first one in 1682 as providers of basic municipal services on the basis of race and affordability to democratically-elected ‘wall-to-wall’ municipalities in 2000. With 257 municipalities serving a population of 55.6 million, South African local authorities are comparatively large, spatially and demographically. Given the constitutional-statutory framework and the resultant complex operating environment, it is imperative that all municipalities are able to represent their interests in an intelligent, forceful, and unified manner on decision-making institutions to ensure a close fit between policies/programmes and peoples’ needs. Hence, effective municipal representation by knowledgeable, ethical and committed persons is imperative. The study provides a history of representation and local authority ‘development’ and underdevelopment in South Africa; a theoretical basis for representation; a review of formalism and government’s approach to development; co-operative governance and intergovernmental relations as a mechanism to facilitate municipal representation; an analysis local government powers, functions, status, autonomy, objects, rights and duties of municipalities; local participatory and representative democracy; and the establishment of municipalities. The constitutional and statutory provisions provide the foundation and framework to facilitate municipal representation. The study continues by analysing other mechanisms that enable municipal representation; a comparative review of local government and co-operative governance in certain select countries. It goes on to review the formal framework for organised local government in South Africa, including an overview of the South African Local Government Association (SALGA). Finally, findings and recommendations are made toward a model for municipal representation in South Africa. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D.