Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:35:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Gustavo Moimaz Marques.pdf: 1718501 bytes, checksum: 9e56579ec707e253be0b881a48375a68 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-08 / The present study aims to analyze how the principle of social participatory in management of Social Security, established in article 194, sole paragraph, VII, of the Brazilian Federal Constitution delimits the perform of the councils of Social Security, especially, if such organs can be used as instruments of social participation in the construction and definition of a public policy. Beginning with the definition of the principle of participatory management in Social Security, the research analyses the national council s managers of Social Security, their experiences and the critics presented by scholars related to the low effectiveness of these organs. The discussion involving the miserableness criterion to obtaining the assistance benefit is presented as an example to demonstrate the little interference from management councils in shaping public policy on social assistance and the legislative deficit in giving, to councils, power to define public policy. Grounded in the constitutional structure which fixed the political and administrative competency, it introduces the real nature of the management councils and the limits fixed for the infra-constitutional legislation. From these limits, the political-administrative premises that guide the principle of social participation in the management of Social Security are established, either with regard to its functions (limits of political powers), either with respect to their own organic structure. Finally, drawing on the comparative analysis of the Spanish Social Security system, it shows up the incompleteness of the Brazilian system, in which, with the excuse of giving broad powers to the management councils, eliminates, in fact, the real social participation management. / O presente trabalho busca analisar como o princípio da gestão participativa na seguridade social, estabelecido no artigo 194, § único, inciso VII, da Constituição Federal, delimita a atuação dos conselhos gestores na seguridade, em especial, se tais órgãos podem ser empregados como instrumentos em que a sociedade participa na construção e definição de políticas públicas de estruturação do sistema. Partindo-se da definição do princípio da gestão participativa na seguridade social, inicia-se a investigação analisando os conselhos gestores nacionais de seguridade social, suas experiências e a crítica que a doutrina nacional apresenta ao apontar a baixa efetividade desses órgãos. A discussão envolvendo a fixação da miserabilidade para fins de obtenção do benefício assistencial de prestação continuada é apresentada como exemplo para demonstrar a pouca interferência dos conselhos gestores na formatação da política pública de assistência social e o déficit legislativo em dar, aos conselhos de forma geral, poderes deliberativos para atuarem na definição de políticas públicas. Alicerçado na estruturação constitucional das competências político-administrativas entre os Poderes, são apresentadas a natureza orgânica dos conselhos gestores e os limites pelos quais passa a legislação infraconstitucional que os estrutura. A partir daí estabelece-se as premissas político-administrativas que norteiam o princípio da gestão participativa na seguridade social, seja no que diz respeito ao seu feixe de atribuições (limites de atribuições - poderes políticos), seja no que diz respeito à própria estruturação orgânica. Por fim, valendo-se da análise comparada do sistema de seguridade social espanhol, demonstra-se a incompletude do sistema brasileiro, que, a pretexto de conferir poderes amplos aos conselhos gestores, acaba ceifando, na realidade, a própria gestão participativa extraída constitucionalmente do princípio da gestão participativa.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:48:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Naile_Pinto_Nunes_Dissertacao.pdf: 723361 bytes, checksum: 3f1acfbbb39dcd14623549941c853ac7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-23 / The present study has as its background the Brazilian redemocratization process, examined through the changes of the official pedagogical discourse found in the texts of the Federal Constitution and of the Law of Directives and Bases for National Education (LDBEN), concerning the democratic management of education and teaching. In the study, the process of recontextualization of the referred texts in the organization of the educational policies of the Municipal Secretariat of Education (SME), as well as in the discourse and in the pedagogical practices of the schools of the Public Municipal Teaching Network (RPME) is examined, considering the ongoing process of adoption of a participatory management in such schools. We have tried, by that, to understand how the communities of two Elementary/Middle schools of the RPME have been putting into practice the ideals of democracy and participations, as present in their Political-Pedagogical Project (PPP), during and/or after the 2001- 2004 municipal government, resulting or not of the initiatives of that government. For such, a qualitative research was carried out, aiming at identifying and describing experiences on participatory democracy produced by the school communities investigated. The research has involved documental analysis, observations and interviews with members of the segments that constitute the school community (students, teachers, employees, parents), as well as with members of the directing board of the selected schools. The development of the investigation has shown, in the exploratory stage, that the principle of democratic management is a constituent of the texts of the PPPs in the schools investigated. However, the forms chosen by the schools to put in practice what the PPP puts in writing manifest a degree of singularity originated from the context in which each institutions is inserted, although they adopt, to do that, common tools, such as pedagogical projects, different types of school meetings, festivities, and discussion forums. The data collected point out to a broader movement in the RPME, in the opposite direction to the hegemonic conception of democracy, as they reveal actions which attempt to enlarge the participation of every subject who constitutes the school community. Singularity has also characterized the process of recontextualization of the policies for democratic management conducted by the educational policies of SME, period 2001-2004, and taken into effect by each of the institutions. The experience of management of the School Council (CE), in Utopia, and the one of the Rethinking our School, in Perseverance, have appeared as spaces for participatory democracy within those schools, whose effects are contributing for the qualification of work and management in such schools. / O estudo tem como pano de fundo o processo de redemocratização do Brasil a partir das mudanças no discurso pedagógico oficial presentes nos textos da Constituição Federal e da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (LDBEN), relativos à gestão democrática da educação e do ensino. Nele, examina-se o processo de recontextualização dos referidos textos na organização da política educacional da Secretaria Municipal da Educação (SME), no discurso e nas práticas pedagógicas de escolas da Rede Pública Municipal de Ensino (RPME) no município de Pelotas, levando em consideração o processo de adoção da gestão democrática em andamento nesta rede de ensino. Com isso, buscou-se compreender como as comunidades escolares de duas escolas de Ensino Fundamental da RPME estão colocando em prática os ideais de democracia e participação, presentes no seu Projeto Político-Pedagógico (PPP), durante e/ou após a gestão municipal 2001-2004, decorrentes ou não das iniciativas implantadas por aquele governo. Para tanto, foi realizada uma pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa na intenção de identificar e descrever experiências de democracia participativa produzidas pelas comunidades escolares investigadas. O processo de pesquisa envolveu análise documental, observações e entrevistas com representantes dos segmentos que compõem a comunidade escolar (estudantes, professores/as, funcionários/as e pais/mães), assim como componentes da Equipe Diretiva de cada escola selecionada. O desenvolvimento da investigação evidenciou, na etapa exploratória, que a gestão democrática é parte constituinte do texto dos PPPs nas escolas investigadas. No entanto, as formas eleitas pelas escolas para colocar em prática o que está escrito no PPP evidencia um grau de singularidade decorrente do contexto em que cada instituição está inserida apesar de adotarem para isso instrumentos comuns como: projetos pedagógicos, reuniões de diferentes modalidades, atividades festivas e fórum de discussão. Assim, os dados indicam para um movimento mais amplo na RPME no sentido oposto à concepção hegemônica da democracia ao evidenciar ações que buscam ampliar a participação de todos os sujeitos que compõem a comunidade escolar. A singularidade também caracterizou o processo de recontextualização das políticas de democratização da gestão encaminhadas por meio da política educacional da SME, gestão 2001-2004 e levado a termo em cada uma das instituições. A experiência da gestão do Conselho Escolar (CE), em Utopia, e, a do Repensando Nossa Escola, em Perseverança, mostraram-se como espaços de democracia participativa no interior destas escolas e cujos efeitos estão contribuindo para a qualificação do trabalho e da gestão na escola.

People shape the development of our society and the majority of the world’s population lives in urban areas. Given these circumstances, there is high value in supporting municipalities in their transition towards sustainability. Municipalities have the opportunity to engage directly with the general public by utilizing a participatory approach in planning and decision making. This thesis explores the conditions that enable and hinder municipalities from (i) engaging with the public and (ii) achieving effective and meaningful participation from their citizens. The findings of this study were incorporated into the Ideal Case for Strategic Integrated System Development (SISD), an outline for participatory and cross-sectoral planning towards sustainability in cities and nations. The research focused on developing the elements of engagement and participation in the Ideal Case for SISD, thereby adding depth to the suggested planning process and making it more relevant for engagement and sustainability practitioners. / <p>sustainablecommunitiesstudy@gmail.com</p>

La France est composé de deux systèmes - le premier le système national et le second le système local - qui reposent tous deux sur un fondement représentatif. Le citoyen électeur participe aux seules élections. Il ne prend pas part aux décisions publiques. La décentralisation devait permettre de gérer au plus près des citoyens les affaires locales. Or, les habitants locaux n'accordent qu'un faible intérêt à la gestion locale alors que le niveau d'instruction s'élève et que l'accès à l'information croit sensiblement. Afin de permettre une véritable décentralisation démocratisée, il convient de refondre en profondeur les institutions françaises. En effet, il est nécessaire de prohiber tout cumul de mandats et de rendre le système local plus distant du système national. Cela permettra aux entités du système local de s'administrer librement dans les conditions prévues par la loi. Il est ici proposé une méthodologie pour tendre vers la démocratie continue dans un Etat unitaire décentralisé. Le citoyen local doit devenir un véritable acteur du système local. / France is composed of two distinct systems - the first is the national system and the second is the local system, - which both are settled on a representative foundation. The elector citizen takes part only in elections. He/she does not get involved in the public decisions. The decentralization of power should have allowed the citizen to be closer to local decisions and affairs. But, local citizens give little interest to the local management even though the level of education is growing and the access to information is slightly increasing. In order to allow a real democratized decentralization, it is suitable to rebuild deeply the French Institutions. Effectively, it is necessary to ban any mandate plurality and to make the local system at a distance of the national system. Thus will allow a local corporate body to operate freely in a self administrative party respecting the conditions set by law. Here, a methodology to aim toward an uninterrupted democracy in a decentralized joint State will be suggested. A local citizen has to become a bona fide representative of the local system.

Syftet med studien var att synliggöra fem grundskolelärares tolkning, förhållningssätt och behandling av värdegrunds- och demokratiarbetet. Studien har utgått från två forskningsfrågor och samtliga fem lärare har återgett sina utsagor för att studien ska kunna ge en klar bild av syftet. Studien har utgått från kvalitativa metoder där semi-strukturerade intervjuer ligger till grund för insamling av empiri. Lärarna som blivit intervjuade kommer från två olika skolor, fördelade i två olika städer i södra Sverige. Studien har sin utgångspunkt i deliberativ- och deltagande demokrati teori. Samtliga grundskolelärare har med sina tolkningar, behandlat och förhållit sig till värdegrunden och det demokratiska uppdraget på varierande sätt. De hade enad uppfattning att kärnan i värdegrundsarbetet är alla människors lika värde. I det demokratiska arbetet var samtliga lärare eniga om att kärnan av arbetet utgörs av att eleverna ska få vara aktiva i diskussioner och samtal där de får yttra sina ståndpunkter. En ytterligare uppfattning lärarna var enade om av det demokratiska arbetet är att eleverna ska få vara delaktiga och påverka, exempelvis genom att få vara med och rösta i demokratiska sammanhang. Slutsatsen är att värdegrunden och det demokratiska uppdraget är grundskolelärarens främsta uppdrag i skolväsendet och den ska genomsyra hela verksamheten och undervisningen. För att skolan ska kunna fostra sina elever till demokratiska samhällsmedborgare så behöver verksamheten präglas av värden och demokratiska förhållningssätt för att förbereda eleverna till framtida samhällsmedborgare. / The purpose of this study was to examine how five teachers in two different primary schools interpret, process and approach democracy and values in their education. The study is based on two research questions and all five teachers have reproduced their statement so that the study can provide a clear picture of the purpose. The study has been based on qualitative methods where semi-structured interviews formed the basis for data collection. The teachers who have been interviewed originates from two different schools, distributed in two different cities in the southern part of Sweden. The study is based on deliberative- and participatory democracy theory. Following five teachers interpreted, treated, and related to the Swedish value-system and the democracy mission in different ways. All teachers had a common view on how to work with the Swedish value-system and that the core of the value-system is the human equality. In the democratic mission, all teachers agreed on the meaning of the democracy task which the pupils should be active in discussions and conversations where they can express their opinions. A further view such as the teachers agreed on was in order that the pupils should be allowed to participate and influence, for instance be allowed to participate and vote in democratic contexts. The conclusion is that the Swedish value-system and the democratic mission are teacher’s main task in the school system and must permeate entire school activity and the education. The school need to be able to educate the pupils to become democratic citizens and the school activities need to be characterized by values and democratic attitudes to prepare the pupils to become future citizens.

Idégenerering är den första fasen i en innovationsprocess och för att hantera den så finns det idéhanteringssystem som kort fattat är till för att generera, hantera, utveckla och utvärdera idéer. Den här processen är väldigt svår, vilket oftast har lett till att företag väljer att använda sig av en, eller flera experter för att utvärdera de idéer som kommer in. Detta är förmodligen den bästa lösningen när det gäller effektivitet och inkrementella innovationer. Däremot så är det inte optimalt när det kommer till medarbetarnas motivation, engagemang, kreativitet, idéernas kvalité och de radikala/diskontinuerliga innovationerna. Därför så har det här arbetet undersökt hur ett deltagardemokratiskt idéhanteringssystem kan fungera personalägda företag. Detta undersöktes genom fem intervjuer med respondenter som jobbade på personalägda företag, litteratursökning inom områdena deltagandedemokrati, idéhantering och personalägande, samt idégenereringsmöten med sakkunniga. Resultatet av arbetet blev ett tvåstegssystem som ska kunna hantera komplexiteten av idégenerering, hantering, utveckling och utvärdering. Det första steget är en öppen plattform där alla i företaget kan lägga in idéer, diskutera idéer och ändra idéer. På den här plattformen kan medarbetarna sedan rösta upp de idéer som dem tycker är bäst och bör tas vidare. När en idé får många uppröstningar så tas den vidare till nästa del av systemet. Fördelarna med det här steget är att företaget kan mobilisera medarbetarens kreativitet och kunskap på ett mycket bättre sätt. Till nästa del sätts en grupp ihop av personer som berör eller berörs av idéen ihop för att använda sin kontextuella kunskap för att diskutera och utvärdera idéen. Om den första urvalsgruppen är för stor för detta så görs ytterligare ett urval, för att gruppen ska kunna diskutera idéen på ett effektivt och konstruktivt sätt. När denna grupp är klar så läggs det fram ett slutgiltigt förslag som denna grupp får rösta på om det ska gå vidare eller inte. Här skapas en större känsla av delaktighet hos medarbetarna och en större förståelse/acceptans för de beslut som tas. Med det här idéhanteringssystemet stärks också medarbetarnas motivation och engagemang. Allt detta redovisas i en modell som visualiserar hur systemet fungerar och vilka vägval som görs under processen gång.

[pt] O trabalho consiste numa análise a respeito dos principais desafios enfrentados pelos mecanismos de democracia participativa para assegurar o direito à cidade em localidades impactadas por grandes projetos econômicos instalados na Amazônia. O objeto são cidades que surgem e se desenvolvem de forma abrupta, no bojo de um intenso processo de urbanização impulsionado pelo avanço capitalista na região, buscando explorar recursos naturais e redunda em formações urbanas marcadas pela precariedade e desigualdade, impondo grandes obstáculos à eficácia das normas urbanas. Além de ampla leitura de obras e estudos relacionados aos principais aspectos teóricos envolvidos, à realidade das formações urbanas na Amazônia e dos empreendimentos econômicos em curso no local, empreendemos uma pesquisa empírica em que foram elencadas 02 (duas) cidades que guardam as principais características desse atual fenômeno urbano (Parauapebas, no Pará, que vem se desenvolvendo sob a influência do Projeto Grande Carajás, da empresa Vale S.A e Laranjal do Jari, no Amapá, que vem se desenvolvendo sob a influência do Projeto Jari). Assim, o foco é a porção oriental da região para aferir as dificuldades impostas no período de 2001 até 2011. A análise parte de uma discussão teórica e conceitual do direito à cidade e democracia participativa, traça uma breve trajetória dos principais processos de desenvolvimento imprimidos na região, destacando a ação estatal como sua indutora e as particularidades da urbanização desencadeada, discute os desdobramentos dos grandes projetos econômicos instalados naquelas cidades e a sua relação com a respectiva formação urbana, busca aferir a eficácia de suas principais normas urbanas e, por fim, analisa os principais desafios que os mecanismos de democracia participativa enfrentam para assegurar o direito à cidade. Foi possível constatar que os clássicos contornos conceituais relativos à temática necessitam considerar as particularidades da região e de seu processo de urbanização para melhor compreender o fenômeno e, fundamentalmente, que os grandes desafios impostos às normas são resultantes da atuação de setores econômicos e conservadores que miram a manutenção de seus interesses nos locais, que a esfera estatal local encontra-se enfraquecida, com pouca possibilidade de fazer valer os interesses coletivos e que as particularidades da urbanização na região amplificam o potencial das dificuldades enfrentadas. / [en] This work consists in an analysis about the main challenges faced by the mechanisms of participatory democracy in order to assure the right to the city in places impacted by large economic projects implemented on Amazon. The object are cities that appeared and developed themselves in a sudden way, in the context of an intense urbanization process boosted by the advance of capitalism on that place, trying to exploit natural resources, which resulted in urban places characterized by precariousness and by inequality, imposing enormous obstacles to the effectiveness of urban laws. Beside one wide reading of works and studies regarding to the main theoretical aspects involved, both to the reality of urban places on the Amazon and to the economic enterprise happening on that place, we produced an empirical research that chose 02 (two) cities characterized by the main aspects of this current urban phenomenon (Parauapebas, on Pará State, that is developing itself under the influence of Grande Projeto Carajás of the Vale Company and Laranjal do Jari, on the Amapá State, that is developing itself under the influence of Projeto Jari). Thus, the focus is the east territory of that region to measure the difficulties imposed during the period comprised between 2001 to 2011. The analysis starts from a theoretical and conceptual discussion about the right to the city and participatory democracy, tracks a brief course of the main processes of development boosted on the region, highlighting both the state action as its inducer and the particularities of the resulting urbanization, discusses the unfolding of some large economic projects implemented on those cities and its relationship to the respective urban shaping, searches to measure the effectiveness of its main urban laws and, ultimately, it analyzes the main challenges that the mechanisms of participatory democracy are facing to assure the right to the city. It was possible to conclude that the conceptual classic aspects regarding that theme needs to consider both the particularities of that place and its urbanization process in order to better understand that phenomenon and, mainly, that the biggest challenges imposed on the laws are resulting from the action of economic and conservative sectors focused on the maintenance of their interests, that the local government is weakened, with small possibility of enforcing the collective interests and that the particularities of the urbanization process on the region amplify the difficulties faced.

No description available.

La tesi è stata intitolata “Change the System From Within”. La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l’idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall’altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all’interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un’analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell’ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell’idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l’intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l’analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l’initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l’impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all’ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell’ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell’arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l’innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell’idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall’attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all’innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l’empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell’intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L’analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall’uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l’analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l’attenzione che meriterebbe. / Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

Cette recherche traite du sujet de la gouvernance urbaine locale au delà de son aspect conceptuel ou analytique. Il est question d'appréhender la gouvernance urbaine locale à travers : le projet urbain, les moyens et mécanismes de la gestion de la chose publique aussi bien législatifs que techniques, ainsi qu'à travers les pratiques des acteurs publics et l'ensemble des parties prenantes dont les acteurs de la société civile locale. En s'appuyant sur l'exemple du projet de la requalification urbaine de la rue de la République à Marseille, l'étude s'intéresse également à montrer la capacité et l'apport des associations de quartier dans la défense des intérêts des citoyens et la promotion de la démocratie participative locale. Par ailleurs, la recherche aborde la question de l'impact des mutations scocio-économiques, dues au croisement des politiques publiques, et l'intervention des acteurs économiques aussi bien sur l'espace micro-local, en l'occurrence la rue, que sur le milieu urbain et les citoyens. C'est tout l'intérêt de cette recherche de montrer l'impact des logiques économiques et politiques sur la gestion du projet urbain et la place qu'occupent les citoyens et les acteurs associatifs dans le processus décisionnel. / This research deals with the subject of local urban governance beyond its conceptual or analytical aspect. It is question to understanding the local urban governance through: the urban project, the means and mechanisms for the management of the public affairs as well as techniques and practices of public and all stakeholders, including local civil society actors. Based on the example of urban regeneration project in the street of the République in Marseille, the study also showed the ability and the contribution of neighbourhood associations in the interests of citizens and promotion of local participatory democracy. Furthermore, the research addresses the question of the impact of mutations scocio-economic due to the crossing of public policy and the intervention of economic actors on the micro-local space, namely the street, and on the urban citizens. It's the whole interest of this research to show the impact of economic and political logics on the urban project and to show the place of citizens and civil society actors in decision making.