Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:19:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hugo Filardi Pereira.pdf: 1009184 bytes, checksum: 32142028f50951429efb99f86d57e731 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-01 / This article aims to discuss the consequences of the judicial decisions over the civil society. The Democratic State Law establishes the need for a judiciary that fully justify their decisions and enable a full participation of the citizens by courts. The State-Judge should no longer be imposed by force but by convincing the citizens and credibility judgments. The technical regulations for open clauses makes the ruling exercise by the magistrates more stormy, and demands a justification for jurisdictional activity through motivation of judicial decisions. Only with a complete and thorough motivation of judicial decisions, citizens can understand the extent of the rule of law applied. It is undeniable that the motivation of judicial acts is consistent with the presence of a State which is self-justified and that is attentive to popular aspirations. The complete motivation of the decisions is consequence of a State in which popular participation is encouraged and inherent to social life / Trata-se de trabalho voltado para debater os reflexos das decisões judiciais junto à sociedade civil. O Estado Democrático Direito consagra a necessidade de um Poder Judiciário que justifique exaustivamente suas decisões e possibilite plena participação dos jurisdicionados na prestação da tutela jurisdicional. O Estado-Juiz não deve mais se impor pela força e sim pelo convencimento dos jurisdicionados e credibilidade de julgamentos. A técnica normativa de cláusulas abertas torna o exercício de aplicação do direito pelos magistrados muito mais tormentoso, sendo imperiosa a necessidade de justificação da atividade juridicional através da motivação das decisões judiciais. Somente com a completa e exaustiva motivação das decisões judiciais, os jurisdicionados poderão compreender a extensão de inicidência da norma jurídica. Mostra-se inegável que a motivação dos atos judiciais se coaduna com a presença de um Estado que se justifica e que está atento aos anseios populares. A completa motivação dos julgados é decorrência de um Estado em que a participação popular é estimulada e inerente à vida social

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Caio Sperandeo de Macedo.pdf: 1652311 bytes, checksum: 8dd6b452bc09c9d10c472c34304d694c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-30 / The research aims to reflect on education and citizenship in Brazil at the beginning of the XXI Century and adopt them as benchmarks for the development of our democracy. Assumption that there is a dynamic feedback relationship between education and citizenship: to promote effective participatory democracy required by the Constitution of 1988, the society must be educated and be aware of their rights and how to exercise them democratically. To require the State and successive governments materialize housed rights in the Constitution, such as education, it is imperative that citizens organize themselves in acts of citizenship, promote policies to require its demands before the public space actions, as conceptualized by Hannah Arendt, the order to influence government decisions and their political representatives. Reaffirm the primacy of popular sovereignty that legitimizes the constitution of 1988 that the state is for the citizen and not the citizen to the state; especially why we chose a state of social welfare that has the obligation to promote the equalization of opportunities, mitigate inequalities and practicing social justice. Redeem for democracy values linked to civic participation, develop social capital of society to instill commitment of citizens with their rights with the rights of other citizens and with the designs of the state. Moreover, referring to the studies of Manuel Castells, we live in the information age, the network society; social structure based on operated by communication technologies that serve as privileged for the exercise of citizenship channel networks. Produce and propagate information from the accumulated knowledge in networks; streamlines horizontal dialogue, debates, opinions, ideas and fosters contradictory. The network society besides influencing sociality, culture, sovereignty and economic order, has the power to create new contours in a participatory democracy in communicative interaction among participants without the mediation and control of information by the state, contributing decisively in shaping public opinion, and enable new experiences for political action of citizens in contemporary democracies / A pesquisa tem por objetivo refletir sobre a educação e a cidadania no Brasil do início do Século XXI e adotá-los como parâmetros de aferição do desenvolvimento de nossa democracia. Pressuposto de que há uma relação de retroalimentação dinâmica entre educação e cidadania: para promover a efetiva democracia participativa pretendida pela Constituição Federal de 1988, a sociedade deve ser educada e estar cônscia de seus direitos e a forma de exercitá-los democraticamente. Para exigir que o Estado e sucessivos governos concretizem direitos albergados na Carta Magna, como a educação, se faz imprescindível que os cidadãos se organizem em atos de cidadania, promovam ações políticas para exigir suas demandas perante o espaço público, conforme conceitua Hannah Arendt, a fim de influenciar as decisões do Governo e de seus representantes políticos. Ou seja, reafirmar o primado da soberania popular que legitima o texto constitucional de 1988, de que o Estado é para o cidadão e não o cidadão para o Estado; notadamente por que optamos por um Estado de bem-estar social que tem a obrigação de promover a equalização de oportunidades, de mitigar as desigualdades e praticar a justiça social. Resgatar para a democracia valores ligados à participação cívica, desenvolver o capital social da sociedade para incutir comprometimento dos cidadãos com seus direitos, com o direito dos demais cidadãos e com os desígnios do Estado. Ademais, em alusão aos estudos de Manuel Castells, vivemos na era da informação, da sociedade em rede; estrutura social baseada em redes operadas por tecnologias de comunicação que funcionam como canal privilegiado para o exercício da cidadania. Produzem e propagam informações a partir do conhecimento acumulado nas redes; dinamiza a interlocução horizontal, os debates, opiniões, ideias e fomenta o contraditório. A sociedade em rede além de influenciar a sociabilidade, a cultura, a ordem econômica e a soberania, tem o condão de criar novos contornos em uma democracia participativa pela interação comunicativa entre os participantes sem a mediação e controle da informação pelo Estado, contribuindo de forma decisiva na formação da opinião pública, além de possibilitar novas experiências para a ação política dos cidadãos nas democracias contemporâneas

A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo geral analisar a procedimentalização nos Conselhos Municipais de Políticas Públicas, isto é, analisar o regime jurídico dos procedimentos administrativos aplicáveis aos Conselhos, bem como o modo de participação dos Conselhos no processo orçamentário municipal de São Paulo. Embora existam há mais de duas décadas, a revisão da literatura indica que os Conselhos em geral têm se destacado mais como instâncias de fiscalização do que de planejamento de políticas públicas. Como objetivos específicos, a pesquisa pretendeu averiguar a adequação dos procedimentos administrativos que regem o Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH) e analisar sua participação no processo orçamentário municipal com base na Análise de Conteúdo das Atas de Reunião de 2003 a 2015. Como resultado, a pesquisa identificou que o CMH não elaborou nem aprovou, desde o início, nenhuma das propostas orçamentárias (PPA, LDO e LOA) do Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), nas quais se formalizam as diretrizes, metas, programas habitacionais e planos de aplicação de recursos do Fundo, ao contrário do que dispõe a Lei Municipal 13.425/02. Na fase de execução orçamentária, foi possível perceber que o Conselho tem atuado, quase exclusivamente, como agente gestor do Fundo, apreciando e aprovando previamente as propostas de operações (projetos e atividades) a implementar. Além disso, a pesquisa evidenciou que o processo decisório do CMH tem se desenvolvido sem o necessário esclarecimento e sem a adequada instrução processual, principalmente, no que diz respeito ao direito à ampla defesa e à produção de provas pelos conselheiros. A pesquisa concluiu que o CMH deveria agir, com maior ênfase, no planejamento e elaboração das propostas orçamentárias na fase de elaboração da política pública; e como órgão de fiscalização, monitoramento e avaliação na fase de implementação da política pública, estas, afinal, sua vocação institucional; ao invés de atuar como agente operador do Fundo, que pressupõe competências legais e administrativas estranhas ao Conselho. / This research has the general objective of analyzing the proceduralization in the Municipal Public Policy Councils, it means, analyze the legal regime of administrative procedures of Councils as well as the mode of participation of the Councils in the São Paulos municipal budget process. Although there are more than two decades, the literature review indicates that the Councils in general have stood out more as supervisory bodies than in the public policy planning. As specific objectives, the research intended to verify the adequacy of the administrative procedures governing the Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH ) and analyze their participation in municipal budgeting process based on the Content Analysis of the Minutes of Meetings of 2003-2015. As result, the survey also found that the CMH, since the beginning, did not made or approved none of the budget proposals (PPA, LDO and LOA) of Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), in which the guidelines, goals, housing programs and plans application of Fund are formalized, against the Municipal Law 13,425/02. In the budget execution phase, was possible to realize that the CMH has worked almost exclusively as Fund manager agent, appreciating and previously approving the concrete operations (projects and activities) to implement. In addition, the research showed that the CMH\'s decision-making process has not been observing the proper right of notice and comment, especially about the right to comment and offer evidences by the counselors. The research concluded that the CMH should act with greater emphasis in the planning and preparation of the budget proposals at the stage of elaboration of public policies; and as a supervisory body, monitoring and evaluation at the implementation phase of public policy, these, after all, your institutional vocation; instead of acting as manager agent of the Fund, which presupposes legal and administrative expertise out of the Council.

Les théories de la démocratie délibérative admettent deux modèles, dialogique et rhétorique, réservant chacun au Parlement un rôle central : élaborer les décisions par la discussion délibérative ; contribuer à la formation du jugement des citoyens par le débat contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les fondements empiriques de ces modèles. A travers l’analyse argumentative des débats en séance publique et l’observation ethnographique des échanges en commission, elle compare l’idéal normatif aux pratiques du Parlement français. Discussions délibératives et débats contradictoires se révèlent alors faire partie intégrante des interactions parlementaires. La discussion délibérative se déploie principalement au Sénat et en commission, bien qu’elle émerge parfois à l’Assemblée nationale et en séance publique. Son influence sur la législation demeure limitée, sans être pour autant négligeable. L’hémicycle de l’Assemblée nationale apparaît, lui, comme l’espace privilégié du débat contradictoire. Ces résultats plaident en faveur du bicamérisme, qui permet de concilier les rôles pédagogique et législatif des débats parlementaires. Ils mettent également en avant l’incertitude de la séance publique : loin de se contenter d’enregistrer les décisions gouvernementales, celle-ci se révèle fréquemment comme un espace d’arbitrage et d’élaboration des décisions. Cette étude est enfin l’occasion, à travers l’analyse inductive des données recueillies, de proposer une contribution à la théorie politique : identifier les caractéristiques argumentatives de la discussion délibérative, confirmer et préciser les vertus du débat contradictoire, affiner l’effet du huis clos sur les discussions. / Deliberative democracy theories allow two different dialogical and rhetorical models which both give a central role to the Parliament: elaborating decisions by way of deliberative discussion and contributing to the formation of the citizens’ judgement by way of contradictory debates. This thesis explores the empirical foundations of these models. Through the argumentative analysis of public session debates and the ethnographical observation of exchanges in committees, it compares the normative ideal to the practices of the French Parliament. Deliberative discussions and contradictory debates thus reveal themselves to be an integral part of parliamentary interactions. Deliberative discussion is mainly deployed in the Sénat and in committees, even though it sometimes emerges at the Assemblée nationale and during public sessions. Its influence on legislation remains limited though not entirely insignificant. On the other hand, the hemicycle of the Assemblée nationale appears to be a prime space for contradictory debate. These results advocate for a bicameral system, which allows the educational and legislative aspects of parliamentary debates to be reconciled. They also highlight the uncertainty of public sessions: far from being restricted to the registering of governmental decisions, these sessions are frequently used to arbitrate and elaborate decisions. Finally, through the inductive analysis of the collected data, this study is the opportunity to put forward a contribution to political theory: identifying the argumentative characteristics of deliberative discussion, confirming and pointing out the virtues of contradictory debate, and clarifying the effects of an in camera environment on discussions.

<p>This is a case study of the alternative labour union organization <em>Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina </em>(CTA) in Argentina and the most recent project under process striving for system change, named the Constituyente Social. The case under study is used to illustrate the perception of power in relation to aspirations for societal change among the left in Latin America. The overall struggle of the CTA and the Constituyente Social is to create a more just society based on a deepening of democracy, more participatory in character. Two understandings of power are presented, on the one hand is the <em>taking</em> power concept, inherited from the political struggles where the belief is that power needs to be <em>taken</em> from the elite in order to succeed with structural change in society. On the other hand is the <em>creating </em>power perception, best exemplified with the Zapatista movement in Mexico. There is no conquering of power in this view, but a creation and strengthening of power among the masses. The theoretical chapter presents a view that unites these two perceptions, arguing for the need to intersect the vertical (power taking) and the horizontal (power creating) struggles. The Constituyente Social is analyzed in relation to this intersection, providing concrete examples of where the two power perceptions are utilized, sometimes simultaneously. The overall conclusion is that the dichotomization usually done between the two understandings of power is incomplete and may even damage the struggle for societal change.</p>

Purpose: The study focused on investigating the uses of the term “public participation” to clarify an important public policy concept for health governance as a firm foundation for theory building, policy and practice. Key questions concerned: What counts as participation? Who counts as a participant? And, is there legitimated space for dissent within this concept? Method: A combined methodology (Rodrigues, 2006) for the concept analysis of public participation use was adopted after three methods were extensively studied. Procedures were detailed for a systematic, random sampling of the professional, academic, theoretical and empirical literature from 1990 to 2012. Four disciplinary literatures (social work, sociology, political studies, and nursing) relevant to the field of health were surveyed. The databases furnished 336 documents, out of which 120 were randomly selected for study. Each document was read for construct definitions to ascertain the essential features and the contextual basis of the concept. Two distinct analysis phases were performed. Documents were divided by content into either theoretical or empirical studies, then, sorted into use areas. Findings: Analysis found three typical uses (intended, borderline, and contrary) characterized as prudent, spurious, and pernicious types of public participation. Pernicious types account for 40% of the literature surveyed, spurious types account for 37%, followed by prudent types at 23% (though most were failed examples). Normalized inconsistencies between purported ideals and their application were found across all the disciplines. A suggested polarization between theory and practice was strongest in the social work literature, while the nursing literature was striking for its consolidation of spurious and pernicious types. In short, a probability sampling of the literature suggests marginal and contrary uses of the concept predominate in the field. A Trichotomy of Public Participation Use is presented based on the determining criteria found, indicating the need to: affirm constituency interest in participant constructions for open negotiation, not just discussion; admit conflict and dissent as indicators of a healthy functioning democracy; privilege the interests of the poor in public participation designs and practice; and secure commitment from authorities to tie public participation mechanisms to the policy process in representative systems. Implications: The scope of this concept has contracted and continues narrowing by way of normalized contradictions that are well circulated within major discourses. Unless we are prudent with our thinking and theory building, the conceptual architecture for public participation is merely repackaging the master narrative to more effectively disseminate the logics of neoliberalism.

Purpose: The study focused on investigating the uses of the term “public participation” to clarify an important public policy concept for health governance as a firm foundation for theory building, policy and practice. Key questions concerned: What counts as participation? Who counts as a participant? And, is there legitimated space for dissent within this concept? Method: A combined methodology (Rodrigues, 2006) for the concept analysis of public participation use was adopted after three methods were extensively studied. Procedures were detailed for a systematic, random sampling of the professional, academic, theoretical and empirical literature from 1990 to 2012. Four disciplinary literatures (social work, sociology, political studies, and nursing) relevant to the field of health were surveyed. The databases furnished 336 documents, out of which 120 were randomly selected for study. Each document was read for construct definitions to ascertain the essential features and the contextual basis of the concept. Two distinct analysis phases were performed. Documents were divided by content into either theoretical or empirical studies, then, sorted into use areas. Findings: Analysis found three typical uses (intended, borderline, and contrary) characterized as prudent, spurious, and pernicious types of public participation. Pernicious types account for 40% of the literature surveyed, spurious types account for 37%, followed by prudent types at 23% (though most were failed examples). Normalized inconsistencies between purported ideals and their application were found across all the disciplines. A suggested polarization between theory and practice was strongest in the social work literature, while the nursing literature was striking for its consolidation of spurious and pernicious types. In short, a probability sampling of the literature suggests marginal and contrary uses of the concept predominate in the field. A Trichotomy of Public Participation Use is presented based on the determining criteria found, indicating the need to: affirm constituency interest in participant constructions for open negotiation, not just discussion; admit conflict and dissent as indicators of a healthy functioning democracy; privilege the interests of the poor in public participation designs and practice; and secure commitment from authorities to tie public participation mechanisms to the policy process in representative systems. Implications: The scope of this concept has contracted and continues narrowing by way of normalized contradictions that are well circulated within major discourses. Unless we are prudent with our thinking and theory building, the conceptual architecture for public participation is merely repackaging the master narrative to more effectively disseminate the logics of neoliberalism.

Ces dernières années, l'Algérie a amorcé un plan national ambitieux en matière de construction de logements tous types confondus. À titre d'exemple, 1,6 millions de logements sont inscrits pour réalisation dans le programme quinquennal 2015-2019. Néanmoins, et en raison du manque de main d'œuvre qualifiée, les entreprises chargées de construire ces logements ont fait appel à une main d'œuvre venue de l'étranger : la Chine, le Japon, l'Espagne, l'Égypte, etc. Devant cette situation, il a été constaté que le secteur du BTP algérien représente actuellement environ le tiers des accidents du travail et des maladies professionnelles à l'échelle nationale. Cependant, aucune indication n'est fournie sur la question de l'émergence des risques psychosociaux dus à l'organisation du travail de cette filière globalisée avec importation de mains d’œuvre. C'est la raison pour laquelle une réflexion a été initiée en ce sens, dont la réalisation d'une thèse de doctorat en France sur ces questions. Cette thèse consiste donc à acquérir les théories sur les risques psychosociaux et celles des organisations. Pour ce faire, j’ai volontairement mis l'accent sur l'historique de ces risques en Europe et surtout en France, sur la mise en agenda de l'émergence des RPS, particulièrement via l'affaire des suicides et tentatives de suicide chez France Télécom fortement médiatisée et relayée syndicalement. Pour creuser sur cette question, nous avons posé deux hypothèses d'aggravation des RPS. En premier lieu, les RPS s'aggraveraient par déséquilibre entre régulation de contrôle (managériale) trop élevée, et régulation autonome (par les employés qui organisent leur activité de la façon qui semble la mieux indiquée) en référence à la théorie de J.D. Reynaud. En deuxième lieu, les RPS s'aggraveraient par déficit de démocratie organisationnelle de forme participative, ce qui complète la première hypothèse. Cela étant dit, nous soulignons que le chapitre que nous avons consacré à l'épistémologie (les six schèmes d'intelligibilité de J.M. Berthelot qui ont été repris, amendés et opérationnalisés par Pascale De Rozario dans le cadre de l'étude du phénomène du suicide) nous a permis de faire l'inventaire des théories dédiées aux RPS et de les évaluer au regard du modèle implicite (non dit) qu'elles portent sur les relations entre organisation et individu. Il faut également souligner que nous avons opté pour une approche constructiviste, objet du dernier chapitre de la thèse. En commençant d'abord par une approche « top-down » ; nous avons utilisée notre revue de littérature théorique (J.D. Reynaud, Marie-Hélène Bacqué, Yves Sintomer et autres auteurs) pour la confronter à une revue pratique et managériale de 4 observatoires (observatoires analysés au regard des contenus sur les RPS diffusés et des manières dont ils diffusent, interprètent, explicitent les rapports entre RPS, organisation et régulation managériale de l'activité) et puis nous avons suivi une approche « bottom-up ». Et c'est à ce moment-là que nous avons fait du constructivisme. Ce dernier chapitre représente notre proposition théorique, méthodologique et opérationnelle une fois de retour en Algérie pour amorcer une politique publique nationale de sensibilisation, de gestion et de prévention des RPS, notamment au travers la mise en œuvre d'un observatoire des RPS adapté au secteur du BTP. / These last years, Algeria began an ambitious national plan on housing construction of all types. For example, 1,6 million homes are registered for realization under the five-year period 2015-2019. However and due to lack of skilled labor, companies in charge to build these homes used a workforce from abroad: China, Japan, Spain, Egypt, etc. In front of this situation, it was noticed that the sector of building and public works currently represents about a third of occupational accidents and professional diseases at national scale. However, no indication is provided on the question of emergence of psychosocial risks due to the organization of work. This is why a study was initiated in this direction, of whom the realization of a doctoral thesis in France. This thesis thus consists in acquiring theories on psychosocial risks and those of organizations. To do this, it was necessary in particular to put the accent on history of these risks in Europe and especially in France, the agenda setting on the emergence of psychosocial risks, particularly via the case of suicides and suicide attempts at France Télécom. In this wake and dig on this question, we put two hypotheses of worsening of psychosocial risks. Firstly, psychosocial risks aggravate by imbalance between regulation of control (managerial) too high, and autonomous regulation (by workers who organize their activity of the way which seems the best indicated) in reference to the theory of J.D. Reynaud. In the second place, psychosocial risks aggravate by deficit of organizational democracy of participative form, which joins and completes the first hypothesis. That being said, we indicate that the chapter that we devoted to epistemology (six schemes of intelligibility of J.M. Berthelot, which were taken, amended and operationalized by Pascale De Rozario within the framework of the study of the phenomenon of suicide) allowed us to make the inventory of theories dedicated to psychosocial risks and to evaluate them taking into consideration model which they carry on the relation between organization and individual.It should also be noted that we opted for a constructivist approach, object of the last chapter of the thesis. While starting initially with a top-down approach; we took our review of theoretical literature (J.D. Reynaud, Marie-Hélène Bacqué, Yves Sintomer and others authors) and we confronted it with a practical and managerial review of 4 observatories (observatories analyzed with regard to the contents on diffused psychosocial risks and in the manners of which they diffuse, interpret, clarify the reports between psychosocial risks, organization and managerial regulation of the activity) and then we followed a bottom-up approach. And It's at this moment there that we made constructivism. This last chapter represents our theoretical, methodological and operational proposal once return in Algeria to initiate a national public policy of sensitizing, management and prevention of psychosocial risks, in particular with through the implementation of an observatory of psychosocial risks adapted to the sector of building and public works.

Submitted by Agatha Justen Gonçalves Ribeiro (agatha_justen@hotmail.com) on 2016-08-23T16:45:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Agatha JustenTese de Doutorado Final.pdf: 5052747 bytes, checksum: d16c557c9caad5c16dfa9542e8d1edd1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2016-08-24T15:06:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Agatha JustenTese de Doutorado Final.pdf: 5052747 bytes, checksum: d16c557c9caad5c16dfa9542e8d1edd1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-09-05T14:04:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Agatha JustenTese de Doutorado Final.pdf: 5052747 bytes, checksum: d16c557c9caad5c16dfa9542e8d1edd1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-05T14:05:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Agatha JustenTese de Doutorado Final.pdf: 5052747 bytes, checksum: d16c557c9caad5c16dfa9542e8d1edd1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-19 / This thesis proposes to examine if institutional changes to introduce and expand direct/participatory democracy in public administration can promote real changes on SocietyState relationship in capitalist Nations. To this end, we analyse the constitutional models adopted in recent years in Latin American countries. We consider the historical process that justifies the emergence of the discussion about social participation mechanisms that are alternative to vote and how that discussion have been gone into the political agenda of some Latin American countries until being institutionalized. Theoretically, we examine the processes of institutionalized participation in the references countries – Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela. We consider the Brazilian case, because it is pioneer and because it is one of the most important countries in this region. We study carefully Bolivia, which recently appears as the most successful case. Methodologically, our epistemological base is dialectics. In addition, we do discursive analyses. Our hypothesis is that those changes, although represent political progress, have historical and structural limitations which prevent to achieve a high level of citizenship and the sustainability of those advances. / Esta tese se propõe a verificar o quanto as mudanças institucionais voltadas para a introdução e ampliação da democracia direta/participativa na gestão pública são capazes de promover mudanças reais na relação Sociedade – Estado em nações onde permanece dominante o modo de produção capitalista. Para isso, analisamos os modelos constitucionais adotados em anos recentes, no contexto da América Latina. Consideramos o processo histórico que justifica o aparecimento do discurso sobre mecanismos de participação sócio-política alternativos e/ou coadjuvantes ao voto e como essa discussão entrou e se destacou na agenda política de alguns países latino-americanos, a ponto de ser amplamente institucionalizada. Teoricamente, examinamos os processos de participação e mecanismos de exercício da cidadania nos países tidos como referenciais – Bolívia, Equador e Venezuela. Lavamos em conta a caso brasileiro, seja por seu pioneirismo, seja pelo significado econômico e político do Brasil. Estudamos com particular atenção a Bolívia, que recentemente vem apresentando-se como ponto alto desse processo de radicalização da democracia que se experimenta na América Latina. Metodologicamente, nossa base epistemológica é a dialética. Adicionalmente, utilizamos a análise de discurso. Nossa hipótese é de que tais mudanças, ainda que representem um progresso no plano político e mesmo se verificando em ambientes culturais diferentes, inclusive de tradição participacionista, possuem constrangimentos históricos e estruturais que não permitem alcançar o elevado patamar de cidadania que se almeja e muito menos assegurar sustentabilidade aos avanços realizados.

A presente Tese procura examinar como os espaços alternativos aos mecanismos convencionais da democracia representativa influenciam na extensão e fortalecimento da democracia participativa em Cabo Verde. Para a consecução desse objetivo, foram selecionados três Conselhos de Políticas Públicas – criados a partir do período democrático iniciado no início dos anos 1990 e respaldados pelo novo Texto Constitucional aprovado em 1992. Os Conselhos selecionados – quais sejam: o Conselho de Concertação Social (CCS), o Conselho Nacional de Saúde (CNS) e a Comissão Nacional para os Direitos Humanos e a Cidadania (CNDHC) além de constituírem três áreas diferentes e possuírem uma abrangência nacional, integram a estrutura político-administrativa do Estado, estando, pois vinculados às orgânicas dos diferentes departamentos governamentais responsáveis pela área do trabalho, salário e seguridade social, da saúde e dos direitos humanos e justiça. Dado esse objeto de estudo, a metodologia usada foi a qualitativa assente na coleta de uma variedade de materiais empíricos relacionados com os conselhos aqui considerados. Implícito a esta metodologia foi priorizado o método comparado centrado na comparação das variáveis e dos conselhos, individualmente considerados, quanto à sua influência no modelo da democracia participativa. Os resultados alcançados com o desenvolvimento da pesquisa sinalizam para o fato de eles não representarem impacto considerável no modelo da democracia participativa em Cabo Verde, sendo a sua existência e funcionamento representar apenas um apêndice da manutenção do modelo da democracia representativa sem que houvesse ocorrência de qualquer transformação nos pressupostos basilares deste modelo. Assim sendo, entre as diversas sugestões apresentadas com o desfecho da pesquisa para a extensão e fortalecimento da democracia participativa, esta Tese propõe a alteração dos arranjos institucionais de modo a que eles possam conferir maior capacidade participativa e deliberativa aos conselhos. / This thesis seek to examine how alternative mechanisms of representative democracy impact into extending and strengthening participatory democracy in Cape Verde. Aiming to reach this goal, three Public Policy Councils were selected – all them created in the beginning of 1990s and supported by the new constitutional text approved in 1992 –, these are Council for Social Consultation (CCS), National Health Council (CNS) and National Commission for Human Rights and Citizenship (CNDHC). These three areas also, are part of the political and administrative structure of the state and are related to the different government organic departments responsible for labor, wage and social security, health and human rights and justice. Methodologically, this study is qualitative based on collecting a variety of empirical materials relating to the advice considered here. Inside this method, was also prioritized comparative approach that focused on comparison of variables of councils individually and their influence on the model of participatory democracy. The results of the study point out of non-existence of considerable impact on participatory democracy model in Cape Verde, and its existence and functioning represent only an appendage of maintenance of representative democracy model without their occurrence of any transformation in the basic assumptions of this model. Thus, among the many tips given to the outcome of the research for the extending and strengthening of participatory democracy, this thesis proposes changing in the institutional arrangements so that they can give more participatory and deliberative capacity to advice.