A política urbana, em seus vetores de regulação, serviços públicos e fomento, é o conjunto de princípios, diretrizes e ações que orientam a atividade econômica de urbanização, podendo determinar condutas à iniciativa privada através da função social da propriedade. Por afetar diretamente a vida das pessoas e a conformação da propriedade nas cidades, a política urbana é, por essência, municipal. A tradição da força municipalista no Brasil, que data do período imperial, ainda que em alguns momentos sufocada, manejou tornar os Municípios entes federados, assegurando- lhes, na Constituição de 1988, autonomia e atribuições, como a execução da política urbana traçada em diretrizes gerais por leis nacionais. As diretrizes nacionais para a política urbana, elaboradas em processo participativo, deveria pautar as ações da União, Estados e Municípios no tocante aos três mencionados vetores. No entanto, notando-se a quase total ausência dos Estados, verifica-se que a União, após a Constituição de 1988, rompeu com a própria ideologia de planejamento construída com a criação do Ministério das Cidades pelo Governo Lula e, atropelando o tempo de formação das diretrizes nacionais da política urbana, lançou programas de fomento a moradias e saneamento básico, cuja execução deve ser organizada pelos Municípios, que são tecnicamente frágeis e carentes de recursos para implementar a própria política urbana. Este recorte temático permite estudar a atuação mais recente da União em política urbana que, mesmo pretendendo dar conta de mazelas históricas do país, não destoa muito do período centralizador de formulação da política urbana do Regime Militar. Em Municipalismo e Política Urbana, analisa-se a influência da União na Política Urbana Municipal. / Urban policy, as it pertains to regulation, public services and development, is the set of principles, guidelines and activities that orient the economic activities involved in urbanization. As such, urban policy can draw on the concept of the social role of property to shape the conduct of the private sector. Urban policy is essentially municipal in nature because it directly affects the lives of people and the conformation of property in cities. Being a tradition dating back to the empire in Brazil, although it has occasionally been suppressed, the municipalist movement did manage to achieve federative status for municipalities under the 1988 Constitution, which guaranteed municipal autonomy and set forth municipal responsibilities, such as the implementation of urban policies outlined by general guidelines enacted in domestic legislation. The national guidelines of Urban Policy, prepared in a participatory process, should be followed by the Federal government, the states, and municipalities. Nevertheless, in light of the noticeable and almost complete absence of participation by the states, it has been notice that the Federal government has broken ranks with the planning ideology that was crafted by the very same Lula Administration when it created the Ministry for Cities. The Administration, after riding roughshod over the timeframe for the preparation of national urban policy guidelines, began to launch programs to promote housing and basic sanitation, which implementation is meant to be organized by municipalities, that do not even have enough technical expertise or resources to implement their own urban policies. By taking this thematic approach the author can focus on the Federal Government‟s most recent efforts in terms of urban policy. Although such efforts attempt to deal with historic vices in Brazil, they ultimately do not stray far from the highly centralized urban policies formulated under the military dictatorship. The influence of the Federal Government on municipal urban policy is therefore analyzed within a framework of municipalism and urban policy.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Esta Tese tem como escopo principal apresentar o resultado do estudo sobre o processo de interlocuÃÃo entre integrantes da sociedade civil e o poder pÃblico em Macapà (capital do estado do AmapÃ), dando relevo à anÃlise das dinÃmicas de participaÃÃo de membros da sociedade no processo polÃtico de elaboraÃÃo e execuÃÃo do planejamento municipal, atravÃs da implantaÃÃo de um desenho institucional de gestÃo compartilhada proposto pela equipe de governo que assumiu a administraÃÃo pÃblica durante o perÃodo de 2013 a 2016. Sem a pretensÃo de apresentar avaliaÃÃes de resultados e efetividades das polÃticas pÃblicas implementadas no recorte temporal estabelecido, no atual estudo englobaram-se os seguintes objetivos integrados: a) Descortinar elementos que contextualizam a ambiÃncia macapaense sob a perspectiva do seu desenvolvimento e da configuraÃÃo de sua elite polÃtica local; b) Resgatar as caracterÃsticas das dinÃmicas institucionais de gestÃo participativa induzidas pela Prefeitura do MunicÃpio de Macapà relacionadas à elaboraÃÃo e execuÃÃo do Plano Plurianual, no perÃodo de 2013 a 2016; e, c) Apontar avanÃos, apropriaÃÃes, conflitos, dificuldades e desafios vinculados ao desenho institucional de gestÃo participativa implementado pela equipe de governo que assumiu a administraÃÃo pÃblica do MunicÃpio de Macapà no ano de 2013. No resgate contextual, evidenciou-se que a criaÃÃo do Estado do AmapÃ, em 1988, tornou-se uma linha divisÃria que marca o inÃcio do desenvolvimento de profundos processos de transformaÃÃo espacial, social, econÃmica e polÃtica no MunicÃpio de MacapÃ, inclusive com renovaÃÃo das elites polÃticas locais. Os resultados apontaram para a identificaÃÃo de componentes que integram grupos familiares, partidos polÃticos e lideranÃas locais envolvidos na esfera polÃtica macapaense. Ao analisar as intencionalidades declaradas de abertura de canais de diÃlogo com a sociedade, e de gestÃo da participaÃÃo nos processos de elaboraÃÃo e execuÃÃo do planejamento municipal, constatou-se que, em 2013, ocorreram os maiores esforÃos de mobilizaÃÃo para elaboraÃÃo compartilhada do planejamento municipal e de alocaÃÃo de recursos em programas de gestÃo da participaÃÃo no planejamento plurianual do municÃpio. O governo que assumiu a gestÃo pÃblica municipal no perÃodo de 2013 a 2016 implantou experiÃncias participativas com modelos e denominaÃÃes variadas como âO Povo no Comandoâ, âCongresso do Povoâ e âPrefeitura na sua Ruaâ, alterando a abordagem dada ao relacionamento com a sociedade a partir da segunda metade de seu mandato. Por mais que o modelo de gestÃo participativa adotado no municÃpio tenha gerado avanÃos e empoderamentos, tambÃm apresentou evidÃncias de conflitos, limitaÃÃes e desafios. Mesmo nÃo sendo propÃsito do presente estudo avanÃar no domÃnio da pragmÃtica, os resultados permitem inferir que, partindo-se do desenho de gestÃo adotado pela Prefeitura Municipal de MacapÃ, nos anos de 2013 a 2016, e das percepÃÃes sobre seu processo de implantaÃÃo, desponta a necessidade de reduÃÃo da centralidade do governo na gestÃo das InstituiÃÃes Participativas e da efetiva ampliaÃÃo do processo participativo para alÃm das etapas iniciais de elaboraÃÃo do PPA, LDO e LOA, visando superar as dificuldades encontradas no acompanhamento das aÃÃes de fiscalizaÃÃo e controle, e no acesso dos representantes da sociedade aos vÃrios setores da prefeitura. / The main scope of this work is to present the results of a study on the process of interlocution between members of the civil society and the public power in the city of MacapÃ, the capital of the Brazilian State of AmapÃ. This thesis brings to light the analysis of the dynamics of participation of members of society in the political process of elaborating and executing the municipal planning. This was possible through the implementation of an institutional design of shared management proposed by the government team that took office between 2013 and 2016. The present work does not aim to present evaluations of results and effectiveness of the public policies implemented in these four years. In the present study, the following integrated objectives were included: a) To reveal elements that contextualize the ambience in Macapà from the perspective of its development and the configuration of its local political elite; b) To review the characteristics of the institutional dynamics for a participatory management induced by the local executive branch of Macapà related to the elaboration and execution of a multi-annual plan, from 2013 to 2016; and, c) To point out advances, appropriations, conflicts, difficulties and challenges related to the institutional design of participatory management implemented by the government team that took office in MacapÃ, in 2013. During the contextualization of the data, it became evident that the creation of the State of Amapà in 1988 was a dividing line that marked the beginning of the development of deep spatial, social, economic and political transformation processes in the municipality of MacapÃ, including the renewal of local political elites. The results lead to the identification of components that integrate family groups, political parties and local leaders involved in the political sphere of the city. When the declared intentions of opening channels of dialogue with the society, and the participation management in the processes of elaboration and execution of municipal planning were analyzed, it was verified that the greatest efforts of mobilization for shared elaboration of the municipal planning and allocation of resources in programs to manage participation in the multi-annual plan took place in 2013. The government that took office from 2013 to 2016 implemented participatory experiences with different models and names, such as O povo no commando, Congresso do povo e Prefeitura na sua rua. These experiences changed the approach given to the relationship with society in the last half of its four-year term. Although the model of participatory management adopted in the municipality has generated advances and empowerment, it also presented evidence of conflicts, limitations and challenges. Even though the purpose of this study is not to advance in the field of pragmatics, the results allow us to infer that, starting from the management design adopted by the municipality of MacapÃ, from 2013 to 2016, and from the perceptions about its implantation process, there is a need to reduce the centrality of the government in the management of participatory Institutions and the effective broadening of the participatory process beyond the initial stages of preparation of the Multi-annual Plan, the Budget Directive Law and the Annual Budget Law. These steps aim to overcome the difficulties faced during the monitoring of controlling actions, and in the access of different members of the civil society to the various sectors of the city hall.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a implantação das Subprefeituras na cidade de São Paulo no governo de Marta Suplicy (2001-2004) como mecanismo para descentralizar atividades e recursos para serem geridos nos territórios. A pesquisa buscou compreender como esse processo adotou sua configuração política e administrativa em face da forma como o Executivo transformou esse tema no principal recurso político para construir sua coalizão de apoio junto aos vereadores. Ao mesmo tempo, essa escolha política resultou num afastamento do governo do PT da tese que vinculava descentralização com poder local e democracia participativa nos territórios. A despeito de o Orçamento Participativo ter existido, seu peso na estratégia política do governo foi secundário, ademais de ter havido um recuo na implantação dos Conselhos de Representante para não por em risco a política de alianças, visto que os vereadores eram contrários a uma instância que fiscalizaria sua atuação. Administrativamente, a descentralização tomou um curso errático, pois as Secretarias municipais temerosas de perderem poder para as Subprefeituras, o que constrangeu a forma, o ritmo e o escopo da descentralização. Desse modo, ao invés de ocorrer um processo uniforme e geral, a implantação das Subprefeituras foi irregular, já que dependeu da dinâmica de cada política setorial e seus desdobramentos nas regiões. Para tratar essas duas questões, a pesquisa realiza uma análise geral desse projeto de governo e seleciona dois casos (Freguesia do Ó e Capela do Socorro) visando discutir como tais impasses e escolhas políticas se expressaram nos territórios. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the implementation of the Subdistricts in the city of São Paulo in the Marta Suplicys government (2001-2004) as a mechanism to decentralize activities and resources to be managed in the territories. The research sought understanding how this process took its political and administrative configuration inface of how the Executive transformed this issue in the main political resource to build his support coalition along with the aldermen. At the same time, this political choice resulted in a departure from the PT government\'s argument that linked local decentralization with participatory democracy in the territories. Despite of the existence of the Participatory Budget, its weight in thegovernments political strategy was secondary, furthermore there has been a retreat in the implementation of the Councils of Representatives to not endanger the policy of alliances, because the aldermen were opposed to a body that would supervise their work. Administratively, the decentralization took an erratic course, because the municipal Departments were fearful of losing power to the Subdistricts, which constrained the way, the pace and scope of decentralization. Thus, instead of incurring a general and uniform process, the implementation of the Subdistricts was uneven, since it depended on the dynamics of each of the sectors and its development in the territories. To analyze this issues, the research conducts a general analysis of this government project and selects two cases (Freguesia do Ó and Capela do Socorro) addressing to discuss how such deadlocks and political choices were expressed in the territories.

This dissertation seeks to understand how issue publics contribute to citizen competence and the functioning of democracy. In the first part of the dissertation, a new measurement was constructed by theoretically and empirically analyzing the attributes of issue public members. Through the hypotheses testing, the new measure was more reliable in identifying issue public members compared to previous measurement strategies. Employing the new measure, results show that issue public members with concern about a specific issue, exercised their issue-specificity in seeking information (i.e., issue-based selectivity) with exposure to both attitude-consistent and counter-attitudinal perspectives. Issue public membership also had significant effects on issue-specific knowledge, and generating rationales for their own and other's oppositional viewpoints. These direct effects were mediated by issue-based selectivity. The relationships highlight the importance of issue publics in contributing to the deliberative democracy. In addition, issue publics play a significant role in contributing to the participatory democracy in that issue public members have greater intentions to participate in issue-related activities than nonmembers. However, while issue publics come close to solve the deliberative-participatory paradox, it was found that their information selectivity and argument generation were unbalanced in a way of favoring pro-attitudinal perspectives over counter-attitudinal perspectives. The second part of the dissertation examined conditional factors--accuracy and directional goals in affecting information selectivity and processing. The findings show that directional goals influenced participants to apply either the strategies of selective approach or selective avoidance to seek information depending on the issue. Accuracy goals exerted a main effect on the issue that is relatively less controversial and less obtrusive. They also interacted with issue public membership in influencing the less controversial and less obtrusive issue. Argument generation was not affected by accuracy or directional goals. Overall, through conceptualizing citizens as members of different issue publics, individuals are more competent then we thought. Their intrinsic interest in an issue serves as a strong factor affecting their information selectivity, information processing, and political actions. Despite finding an optimistic role for issue publics in the democratic process, their limitations also should be recognized. The implications for the deliberative and participatory democracy are discussed.

The Constitution of South Africa, 1996, requires local government to be democratic and accountable to local communities. Municipalities are also constitutionally bound to encourage the involvement of the communities in the affairs of local government. Section 152 of the Constitution of South Africa, 1996, sets out the rights of communities to be involved in the affairs of local government.Participation is not only about communicating information and addressing the needs of the community. Participation is also about building partnerships with the community, being accountable to the community, allowing the community to take part in policy decisions, capacitating the community to understand their rights and obligations as citizens, and allowing the community to participate actively in social, political and economic affairs. Local government as a sphere of government closest to the peopleplays a critical role in advancing the participation of the community. Chapter 4 of the Municipal Structures Act of 1998 requires that municipalities should establish ward committees in order to enhance participatory democracy. Ward committees were therefore established, as community structures, to play a role in advocating needs, aspirations, potentials and problems of the community. However, studies appear to be critical on the functionality of ward committees and argue that most ward committees are not functioning as intended. The purpose of the study is to establish whether MatlosanaLocal Municipality has created the environment for active participation through the ward committee system in order to enhance participatory democracy. Thestudy further investigates whether the ward committees are functioning as intended and according to what the law requires. The researcher used a qualitative method to determine how Matlosana Local Municipality uses the ward committee system to enhance participatory democracy. The investigation revealed a number of challenges facing the ward committees which hinder their effectiveness. However, recommendations are recommended to assist the management of the municipality in making the system more effective. / Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

The Constitution of South Africa, 1996, requires local government to be democratic and accountable to local communities. Municipalities are also constitutionally bound to encourage the involvement of the communities in the affairs of local government. Section 152 of the Constitution of South Africa, 1996, sets out the rights of communities to be involved in the affairs of local government.Participation is not only about communicating information and addressing the needs of the community. Participation is also about building partnerships with the community, being accountable to the community, allowing the community to take part in policy decisions, capacitating the community to understand their rights and obligations as citizens, and allowing the community to participate actively in social, political and economic affairs. Local government as a sphere of government closest to the peopleplays a critical role in advancing the participation of the community. Chapter 4 of the Municipal Structures Act of 1998 requires that municipalities should establish ward committees in order to enhance participatory democracy. Ward committees were therefore established, as community structures, to play a role in advocating needs, aspirations, potentials and problems of the community. However, studies appear to be critical on the functionality of ward committees and argue that most ward committees are not functioning as intended. The purpose of the study is to establish whether MatlosanaLocal Municipality has created the environment for active participation through the ward committee system in order to enhance participatory democracy. Thestudy further investigates whether the ward committees are functioning as intended and according to what the law requires. The researcher used a qualitative method to determine how Matlosana Local Municipality uses the ward committee system to enhance participatory democracy. The investigation revealed a number of challenges facing the ward committees which hinder their effectiveness. However, recommendations are recommended to assist the management of the municipality in making the system more effective. / Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

This study uses the concepts of everyday politics and cultural resistance to explore how young people are experimenting with ‘free spaces’ in which to develop alternative ideas and practices within the food justice movement. Through a case study of the Spring Ridge Commons – a youth-generated free space – this research describes how youth are redefining relationships to place and to people by practicing alternative foodways like urban foraging; creating decommodified food sources; sharing skills and knowledge through peer-to-peer networks; building community through relationships of mutual support; and experimenting with non-hierarchical governance. Such practices have potential implications for child and youth care such as: reconnecting youth and adults through shared practice and meaningful work in “real life” politics and community building, reconceptualizing 'youth' and 'adult' such that both have greater access to acts of cultural production, and creating experiences of democracy in everyday life. / Graduate

In the mid-20th century the assignment of nurturing democratic citizens in Swedish schools, was first proposed and implemented. Since then, the democratic assignment has been put aside by the schools´ second assignment: communicating knowledge. The aim of this essay is to once again bring light on this forgotten assignment. I have gathered the material for this essay by interviewing five teachers of upper secondary school. By the use of three ideal types of democratic theory I then analyze the material to determine the teachers´ views on school democracy and their ways of using it in their teaching. The ideal types are participatory democracy, discursive democracy and representative democracy. The results show that the interviewed teachers share very similar views on school democracy, close to the ideal type participatory democracy. In their use of school democracy in teaching traces of both participatory and discursive democracy, can be found.

O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de discutir os fundamentos que possibilitam um novo relacionamento entre Estado e Cidadão em torno da tributação, superando um ambiente de litigiosidade necessária. Para tanto, em uma perspectiva instrumental, se vale da democracia participativa e deliberativa para fundamentar maior participação do cidadão em torno da tributação e criação e reinvenção de novos espaços em que se possa realizar um diálogo entre ambos, antes de se procurar uma via litigiosa. O trabalho se vale, também, da descrição de fenômenos da realidade que possibilitam o relacionamento baseado na cooperação. Finaliza por reconhecer que a participação do cidadão na tributação ainda é incipiente, embora já dê sinais de seu surgimento.

Le Venezuela d’H. Chávez et la Bolivie d’E. Morales sont les nouvelles terres d’élection du populisme et de la démocratie participative. Si ces deux formes politiques ont tendance à s’y hybrider et à témoigner d’un certain nombre d’affinités électives, les analystes ne se penchent jamais sur les expériences sociales spécifiques auxquelles elles donnent lieu. À travers une ethnographie des pratiques participatives dans des comités de décentralisation des politiques publiques situés dans les barrios - Conseils communaux vénézuéliens et Juntas vecinales boliviennes - cette thèse se propose de problématiser la relation entre pouvoir populiste et politique populaire. Son but est celui d’étudier le champ de pertinence d’un concept largement discrédité dans les sciences sociales, le populisme, à l’aune des politiques du peuple qu’il produit chez les exclus. À la confluence de sociologie des rapports ordinaires au politique et d’histoire « from below », notre thèse propose ainsi une nouvelle conceptualisation du populisme à l’aune des régimes d’identité, d’action et de rupture qu’il ouvre chez les dominés, et qui tournent autour du peuple comme opérateur. / Either as two exemplary democracies or two democracies of excesses, H. Chávez’s Venezuela and E. Morales’s Bolivia seem to attract nowadays more the ideological interpretations operating a rhetorical manipulation than informed social analyses. Far from wanting to discuss Chávez's ou Morales’s “exemplary” skills, the author proposes a policy ethnography focusing on the two radical populisms dynamics that can be observed in township assemblies for public planning (Consejos comunales and Juntas vecinales). These hybrid institutions are true political laboratories where lower classe people living in the country neighbourhoods can meet. Combining decentralization, deliberative democracy and populism, such institutions keep alive the treasure of the social construction of revolutionary policy in Venezuela and Bolivia. The participatory experience of ordinary people, which implies a community to integrate, an interest to defend and a collective identity to build, permits to track down the paradoxes and contradictions of a revolution in progress, and to reveal a sociology of action hidden by stereotyped concepts of faulty democracy or excessive democracy.