性別主流化的概念，從1995年在北京被提出，經過了15年，性別議題逐漸在國際組織中獲得重視，各國對於性別主流化的推動與實施不遺餘力。台灣從2003年推動性別主流化至今，約七年的時間，對照起聯合國在2010年三月在紐約所召開的北京+15會議，台灣僅僅用了一半時間，發展出屬於台灣本土性別主流化經驗。 由於行政院婦權會具有「參與式民主」「公私合作」的特質，尤其來自民間的婦權委員，試圖在我國推動性別主流化的發展過程中，建立各種不同的參與機制與平台，將不同的個人與團體串連起來。換言之是一種參與式政府的體現，性別主流化過程中強調授與員工權力（性別聯絡人設置）與能力（性別培訓制度），試將政府組織內的個人納入決策過程，亦即是以體制內的「公務人員」作為參與式民主的主體，運用性別聯絡人制度、性別平等工作小組，以及性別培訓制度等擴大參與的制度，試圖將個別公務人員納入性別主流化推動過程中。此種體制內擴大參與的模式，改變了以社會中公民為主體的參與民主模式，進行體制內參與式民主發展的可能。 同時，婦權基金會所建立的婦女團體溝通平台亦是參與式民主機制的建立，婦女溝通平台不僅有助於政府部門與民間團體的溝通與對話，能夠使民間團體瞭解政府部門的各項施政與發展，也助於行政部門傾聽婦女團體對於個別議題的想法，以及婦女團體間對於議題的溝通與交流。在國際參與機制，婦權基金會透過每年補助民間團體與專家學者的機制，讓許多團體與個人，透過參加聯合國與各國際組織會議，將國際社會中關注的性別議題帶回台灣社會。 / Gender mainstreaming had been formally raised in the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. It has become one of the main strategies for fulfilling gender equality in international community. Gender mainstream is not only regarding female separately. Furthermore, it isn't only making some policies or allocating budgets for female affairs, but also putting gender views in all of the legislations, policies, schemes and budgets so that governments can evaluate and make concrete schemes and priority. Currently, some problems have been generated when countries are putting efforts on gender mainstreaming. For instance, public servants have vague cognitive concepts and poor knowledge in this field. This situation also makes the gender concerns can’t deeply influence policies, schemes and legislations. It only appears occasionally in some processes of policies, but it can’t have comprehensive outlooks. However, it might have a window of opportunity for developing gender mainstreaming if we facilitate participatory democracy in domestic societ. In terms of domestic development, governments, experts and general public can get the opportunities of participation and dialogue via participatory democracy. It will also make the gender concerns get involved with the discussion and planning of policies.

This study deals with the issue of democratization in Latin America during the 20th century, and in particular the role of the left in this process. The purpose of this study is to empirically analyze the role of the left as a political actor in the process of democratization toward the deepening of the democratic rule in Latin America. The research questions are: what role did the left have in the transitions to electoral democracies during the 20th century in Latin America? Why did the left have the role it had in the transitions? How does the left’s view of democracy affect the transition to electoral democracy, and the further democratization to deepen democratic rule? What structural constraints affect the left’s ability to deepen democratic rule? A comparative qualitative method and different theoretical concepts of democracy, democratization, elite perspective, mobilization and organizations have been used, and examples from different Latin American cases are given. One empirical conclusion is that the role of the left in the transitions to electoral democracies varies from participation with active left leaders, collective left actions, to not have any significant role at all. A second empirical conclusion is that in cases where left wing governments have tried to enforce a model of participatory democracy, the result has been “ coup d’état” or rebellions conducted by military forces and supported by the economic elite and the United States of America. In other cases when left parties in government instead have remained within the framework of an elite democracy, the result has rather been stabilization of the liberal democratic rule. The main theoretical conclusions are as follows: the theoretical discussion about democratic consolidation and the deepening of democracy have to consider that different actors’ (in this study the left) preferences for various models of democracy differ; the actors’ view of democracy matter in the game of democratic development and democratic consolidation; and the relations between the elite actors’ preferences for different models of democracy determine the outcome of a specific form of democratic model (in this study electoral democracy, liberal democracy or participatory democracy).

An ongoing debate surrounds the question of whether digital media can promote participatory democracy. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama’s campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website promotes or discourages participatory democracy. For a rich analysis, the case study drew on various relevant theoretical perspectives, including the concepts of participatory democracy and digital democracy. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study found that my.barackobama.com promoted political knowledge and non-electoral participation, but failed to promote political discussion and community. Consequently, the recommendations highlighted the importance of an online public sphere. The findings of this case study add to the research literature about the political use of digital media, and they also add new information about Barack Obama’s digital media strategies.

Syftet för uppsatsen var att undersöka om klienter med tidigare narkotikaberoende upplever att de har möjlighet till inflytande inom vården som de tar del av. Syftet var även att ta reda på hur socialarbetare inom samma vårdprogram arbetar för att möjliggöra brukarinflytandet för klienterna. Vi utförde semistrukturerade intervjuer med fem klienter och två socialarbetare från samma behandlingshem. De teoretiska perspektiv som stod till grund för analysen av empirin var brukarinflytande och demokrati. Resultatet visar att klienterna upplevde stor delaktighet inom vårdprogrammet samt i kontakten med socialarbetarna på behandlingshemmet. Vidare visar resultatet att socialarbetarna arbetar utifrån deltagardemokrati då klienterna ständigt uppmuntras till att tänka självständigt, planera, fatta egna beslut och sätta upp mål för både behandlingen och inför framtiden. De begränsande faktorerna för brukarinflytande ansågs bland annat vara ekonomi, oengagerade socialarbetare samt skilda arbetssätt mellan kommunerna. Brukarinflytande inom missbruksvården kan gynna behandlingsresultaten och förebygga återfall då klienten får vara delaktig och påverka vårdens innehåll. Brukarinflytande kan leda till goda klient- och socialarbetarrelationer och detta kan även bidra till att allt fler individer med beroendeproblematik frivilligt söker hjälp. / The purpose of this study was to examine whether clients with former drug addiction feel that they are able to influence the care that they receive. The aim was also to find out how social workers operate to enable user influence amongst clients. We conducted semi-structured interviews with five clients and two social workers within one treatment home. The theoretical perspectives that were used to analyze the empirical data were user influence and democracy. The results show that clients experience significant involvement in their care-program and in relation to social workers at the treatment home. The results also show that the social workers apply democracy to their work since they constantly encourage clients to think independently, make their own decisions and set goals for the future. The limiting factors of user influence were considered to be financial questions, unengaged social workers, and different work procedures among municipalities. Since clients become involved and are able to influence the content of the care, user influence within addiction care is believed to benefit patient outcomes and prevent relapse. User influence can lead to positive social worker-client relationships and encourage individuals with addiction to voluntarily seek care.

Brazil is a nation that has professed to be a `racial democracy' such that race categories are not recognized. This implies that every citizen experiences equal access from a political, social and economic point of view, irrespective of skin color. Nevertheless, palpable racial inequalities exist in Brazil such that there is a primarily white elite class while Brazilians of African descent are typically poor. Male dominance is a worldwide phenomenon. When racial inequities are coupled with male dominance, Brazilian women of African origins suffer as they occupy the lowest socio-economic strata, which often remand them to work as domestics. Some scholars have hypothesized that a participatory democracy model can bring about a shift in these women's lives. Using the participatory budgeting model that was implemented in Porto Alegre, Brazil in 1989 as a point of reference, this paper analyzes the official socio-economic indicator census data for years 2001, 2005 and 2009 in the region. The analysis contends that a participatory democracy model has not brought about any significant change in the position of nonwhite Brazilian female domestic workers in Porto Alegre. The assumption can be made that a participatory democracy model implemented nationwide will not ameliorate the conditions of nonwhite Brazilian women working as domestics. Therefore, other strategies should be identified by the Brazilian Government to address the disparate conditions of these women who have been showcased as neo-slaves in the international community.

This study describes how economic policies in Latin America are informed by, and have affected, social norms regarding equality and solidarity. Through the rise and fall of institutions such as cooperatives and unions, and via social policy in education, health, and pensions, one can trace the ebb and flow of social solidarity as a justifiable socioeconomic policy aim in Latin America. As a result of the decrease in the legitimacy of social solidarity and equality that follows the implementation of neoliberalism, a new social movement in the region- the Solidarity Economy- has emerged to reestablish these values. However, it is largely borrowing from a tradition of associativism and other private-sector civil-society initiatives rather than vying directly for State power to institute its goals from within the polity. I provide a case study of the Santiago Solidarity Economy Network, in which I analyze their strategies of consciousness-raising and participation. The case study also explores generational and institutional differences within the Network that stem from varied political experiences of neoliberal policy. Finally, the case study details the obstacles to growth that this Network encounters, with a particular focus on those challenges that have emerged as a result of neoliberal policy and its’ effects on social norms of solidarity. / text

In 2011, Levine & Molina contributed to the research within the field of the quality of democracy by creating a framework focusing on the quality of the political process. The purpose of this study is to further contribute to the theoretical discussion of the quality of democracy by empirically applying Levine & Molina’s model of quality of democracy on a case: Bogota, the capital of Colombia. The data was collected through a field study in Bogota through semi-structured interviews with elites. The first research question aims at deciding what quality the democracy in Bogota has, if analyzing it through Levine & Molina’s five main dimensions. The second question asks if their model captures the central dimensions needed for concluding the quality of democracy if contrasting their dimensions to other societal factors lifted as important in Bogota by the informants.   The conclusions show that Bogota appears to have a rather low quality of democracy. Its strongest dimension is electoral decision, while the weakest one is participation. When comparing Levine & Molina’s dimensions to the surrounding society in Bogota, their framework can mainly be concluded to be including the main aspects for being able to evaluate the quality of democracy in a given place. However, it appears obvious that a strong and active emphasis on surrounding circumstances is central for drawing any conclusions of the quality of the political process.

An ongoing debate surrounds the question of whether digital media can promote participatory democracy. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama’s campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website promotes or discourages participatory democracy. For a rich analysis, the case study drew on various relevant theoretical perspectives, including the concepts of participatory democracy and digital democracy. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study found that my.barackobama.com promoted political knowledge and non-electoral participation, but failed to promote political discussion and community. Consequently, the recommendations highlighted the importance of an online public sphere. The findings of this case study add to the research literature about the political use of digital media, and they also add new information about Barack Obama’s digital media strategies.

La iglesia luterana en El Salvador, es el producto del trabajo misionero del sínodo luterano de Missouri, su desarrollo posterior a sido un desafío para sus autoridades, en la primera parte se aborda el surgimiento del Estado salvadoreño desde los años previos a la conquista, pasando por la colonia, de donde surge buena parte de su tradición religiosa, su independencia de España hasta la guerra con su vecino país Honduras, por aquellos años llega luteranismo y se fundan las primeras iglesias. La estructura que adopto y su posición en relación a la guerra civil finalizan esta primera parte. La segunda parte hace una reseña del camino que siguió después de la firma de la paz que dieron fin al conflicto, la estructura que adopto bajo el periodo de paz y los problemas que afronta en relación a los recursos y a su feligresía, su concepción de la teología de la vida y su relación con el movimiento social, los nuevos desafíos que afronta en relación a su identidad y a la violencia social. La tercera y última parte hace referencia a las oportunidades en medio de la crisis, la misión social de la iglesia, su diaconía como parte de la teología práctica, la planeación estratégica en vista de su futuro, finalizando con la apuesta por relaciones más democráticas y participativas además de los posibles caminos a seguir. / The lutheran church in El Salvador is the product of the missionary work of the lutheran synod of Missouri, its further development has been a challenge to their authority, in the first part deals with the emergence of the salvadoran state from the years before the conquest, to the colony, where there was a large part of their religious tradition, independence from Spain until the war with its neighboring Honduras, in those years lutheranism arrives and founded the first churches. The structure adopted and its position in relation to the civil war ending this first part. The second part is a review of the road that followed the signing of the peace that ended the conflict, the structure adopted in the period of peace and the problems it faces in relation to resources and his flock, his conception of theology of life and its relationship to social movement, the new challenges facing in relation to their identity and social violence. The third and last part refers to the opportunity in the midst of the crisis, the social mission of the church; its diaconal as part of practical theology, strategic planning in view of its future, ending with the democratic commitment and relationships participatory addition to possible ways forward.

Submitted by Fabiany Feitosa (fabiany.sousa@ufba.br) on 2017-03-21T12:58:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Flávio Santos Novaes.pdf: 2467330 bytes, checksum: 232694c0d8e4179a7c75de3123b561f8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Angela Dortas (dortas@ufba.br) on 2017-03-21T18:07:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Flávio Santos Novaes.pdf: 2467330 bytes, checksum: 232694c0d8e4179a7c75de3123b561f8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T18:07:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flávio Santos Novaes.pdf: 2467330 bytes, checksum: 232694c0d8e4179a7c75de3123b561f8 (MD5) / O presente estudo de caso analisa o Orçamento Participativo de Vitória da Conquista em suas possibilidades efetivas de democratizar a gestão pública municipal. No contexto da crise econômica mundial dos anos de 1980 e 1990 e da redemocratização da sociedade brasileira, o orçamento participativo foi analisado em meio à emergência de experiências participativas de gestão e às discussões sobre a reforma do Estado, onde se destacaram duas posições principais, como os defensores do modelo gerencial, alinhados com as ideias hegemônicas nos anos 1990 de redução do papel do Estado frente à sociedade e à economia, e os críticos às ideias do “gerencialismo” e da “globalização”. O orçamento participativo foi situado no debate sobre a teoria democrática, onde diferentes modelos de democracia são avaliados, como a democracia participativa, a deliberativa e a representativa, além de abordar o modelo de gestão pública societal, para entender o desenvolvimento de diferentes experiências participativas ao nível da gestão local no Brasil. Com base em pesquisa bibliográfica, análise documental, entrevistas e questionários, o estudo foi conduzido no sentido de avaliar se o orçamento participativo de Vitória da Conquista efetivamente democratiza a gestão pública municipal a ponto de configurar uma gestão societal. Foram analisadas algumas dimensões do problema, como a participação social, a legitimidade do processo de OP e a dimensão institucional administrativa, mediante pesquisa a diferentes documentos sobre o OP-VC, como atas de plenárias, fóruns de delegados e congressos, históricos, ofícios, jornais etc., foram entrevistados integrantes da equipe do OP-VC e outros dirigentes municipais, além de integrantes dos movimentos sociais, líderes sindicais dos servidores públicos e Vereadores da oposição. Também foram aplicados 350 questionários aos delegados do IX Congresso do Orçamento Participativo, em 2011, dos quais 262 foram respondidos e analisados mediante a utilização do Os resultados do estudo indicam que o orçamento participativo de Vitória da Conquista contribui apenas parcialmente com a democratização da gestão pública municipal, pois não é o principal instrumento de uma efetiva participação da população na definição das políticas públicas e na aplicação dos recursos públicos. Em razão disso, o OP-VC não favorece plenamente à construção de uma gestão pública societal, ampliando os canais de participação da sociedade civil, cuja participação na gestão municipal é limitada a alguns segmentos. Por outro lado, o orçamento participativo favoreceu a ampliação da base social da sociedade política e a criação de laços políticos entre parcela da população e os gestores municipais, o que contribuiu para a permanência no poder municipal do mesmo projeto político ao longo de quinze anos. Finalmente, devido às suas limitações políticas e administrativas, o orçamento participativo de Vitória da Conquista não pode ser diretamente relacionado com o aumento da eficiência administrativa da gestão municipal, pois não define adequadamente as prioridades de cada comunidade ou bairro, não estabelece claramente as prioridades para a cidade, nem consegue priorizar e garantir o pleno atendimento das demandas aprovadas em seus congressos. / This case study analyzes the participatory budgeting in Vitória da Conquista and its effective possibilities of democratizing local public administration. In the context of the global economic crisis of the 1980s and the 1990s and the democratization of Brazilian society, participatory budgeting has been analyzed through the emergence of participatory management experiences and discussions on the reform of the State, where the two highlighted key positions, such as proponents of the managerial model, aligned with hegemonic ideas in the 1990s to reduce the role of the state to society and the economy are critical to the ideas of "managerialism" and "globalization." Participatory budgeting was situated in the debate on democratic theory, where different models of democracy are evaluated, such as participatory democracy, deliberative and representative democracy, in addition to addressing the societal model of public management, to understand the development of participatory experiences at different local management in Brazil. Based on a review of the body of literature, document analysis, interviews and questionnaires, this study was conducted in order to assess whether the participatory budget process in Vitória da Conquista (PB-VC) effectively democratizes municipal public administration to the point of setting a societal management. I have analyzed some dimensions of the problem, such as social participation, the legitimacy of the process of Participatory Budgeting (PB) administrative and institutional dimension, and by the different research papers on the PB-VC, in the form of minutes of plenary sessions, forums and conferences delegates, historic crafts, newspapers; interviews with team members and others PB-VC city officials, and members of social movements, trade union leaders of civil servants and opposition Councillors. In addition, there were 350 questionnaires given to the delegates of the Ninth Congress of Participatory Budgeting in 2011, of which 262 were returned and analyzed by using Sphinx Lexica® computer software. The study results indicate that participatory budgeting in Vitória da Conquista only partially contributes to the democratization of municipal public administration; it is not the main instrument of effective public participation in policy and public use of public resources. As a result, the OP-VC does not favor the construction of fully public management societal, expanding channels of participation of civil society, whose participation in municipal management is limited to certain segments. On the other hand, the participatory budget process promoted the expansion of the social basis of political society and the establishment of political ties between a portion of the population and municipal managers, which helped to maintain in municipal power the same political project over fifteen years. Finally, due to its political and administrative constraints, the participatory budgeting process in Vitória da Conquista cannot be directly related to increasing administrative efficiency of the municipal administration. Moreover, it does not adequately define the priorities of each community or neighborhood, nor does it clearly establish priorities for the city, or prioritize and ensure full compliance of demands adopted at its congress.