199 p. / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2012-12-17T20:21:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 9999999999.pdf: 2467330 bytes, checksum: 232694c0d8e4179a7c75de3123b561f8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-12-17T20:21:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 9999999999.pdf: 2467330 bytes, checksum: 232694c0d8e4179a7c75de3123b561f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / O presente estudo de caso analisa o Orçamento Participativo de Vitória da Conquista em suas possibilidades efetivas de democratizar a gestão pública municipal. No contexto da crise econômica mundial dos anos de 1980 e 1990 e da redemocratização da sociedade brasileira, o orçamento participativo foi analisado em meio à emergência de experiências participativas de gestão e às discussões sobre a reforma do Estado, onde se destacaram duas posições principais, como os defensores do modelo gerencial, alinhados com as ideias hegemônicas nos anos 1990 de redução do papel do Estado frente à sociedade e à economia, e os críticos às ideias do “gerencialismo” e da “globalização”. O orçamento participativo foi situado no debate sobre a teoria democrática, onde diferentes modelos de democracia são avaliados, como a democracia participativa, a deliberativa e a representativa, além de abordar o modelo de gestão pública societal, para entender o desenvolvimento de diferentes experiências participativas ao nível da gestão local no Brasil. Com base em pesquisa bibliográfica, análise documental, entrevistas e questionários, o estudo foi conduzido no sentido de avaliar se o orçamento participativo de Vitória da Conquista efetivamente democratiza a gestão pública municipal a ponto de configurar uma gestão societal. Foram analisadas algumas dimensões do problema, como a participação social, a legitimidade do processo de OP e a dimensão institucional administrativa, mediante pesquisa a diferentes documentos sobre o OP-VC, como atas de plenárias, fóruns de delegados e congressos, históricos, ofícios, jornais etc., foram entrevistados integrantes da equipe do OP-VC e outros dirigentes municipais, além de integrantes dos movimentos sociais, líderes sindicais dos servidores públicos e Vereadores da oposição. Também foram aplicados 350 questionários aos delegados do IX Congresso do Orçamento Participativo, em 2011, dos quais 262 foram respondidos e analisados mediante a utilização do software Sphinx Léxica®. Os resultados do estudo indicam que o orçamento participativo de Vitória da Conquista contribui apenas parcialmente com a democratização da gestão pública municipal, pois não é o principal instrumento de uma efetiva participação da população na definição das políticas públicas e na aplicação dos recursos públicos. Em razão disso, o OP-VC não favorece plenamente à construção de uma gestão pública societal, ampliando os canais de participação da sociedade civil, cuja participação na gestão municipal é limitada a alguns segmentos. Por outro lado, o orçamento participativo favoreceu a ampliação da base social da sociedade política e a criação de laços políticos entre parcela da população e os gestores municipais, o que contribuiu para a permanência no poder municipal do mesmo projeto político ao longo de quinze anos. Finalmente, devido às suas limitações políticas e administrativas, o orçamento participativo de Vitória da Conquista não pode ser diretamente relacionado com o aumento da eficiência administrativa da gestão municipal, pois não define adequadamente as prioridades de cada comunidade ou bairro, não estabelece claramente as prioridades para a cidade, nem consegue priorizar e garantir o pleno atendimento das demandas aprovadas em seus congressos. / Salvador

GALINDO, Alexandre Gomes. Participação social no desenvolvimento de políticas públicas no Estado do Amapá: um olhar sobre a elaboração e execução do Plano Plurianual de Macapá-AP no período de 2013 a 2016. 2017. 307f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2017. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-20T17:52:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_aggalindo.pdf: 8943206 bytes, checksum: dbea155fc97a2f521573da3b05b84a4b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-03-21T17:11:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_aggalindo.pdf: 8943206 bytes, checksum: dbea155fc97a2f521573da3b05b84a4b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T17:11:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_aggalindo.pdf: 8943206 bytes, checksum: dbea155fc97a2f521573da3b05b84a4b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / The main scope of this work is to present the results of a study on the process of interlocution between members of the civil society and the public power in the city of Macapá, the capital of the Brazilian State of Amapá. This thesis brings to light the analysis of the dynamics of participation of members of society in the political process of elaborating and executing the municipal planning. This was possible through the implementation of an institutional design of shared management proposed by the government team that took office between 2013 and 2016. The present work does not aim to present evaluations of results and effectiveness of the public policies implemented in these four years. In the present study, the following integrated objectives were included: a) To reveal elements that contextualize the ambience in Macapá from the perspective of its development and the configuration of its local political elite; b) To review the characteristics of the institutional dynamics for a participatory management induced by the local executive branch of Macapá related to the elaboration and execution of a multi-annual plan, from 2013 to 2016; and, c) To point out advances, appropriations, conflicts, difficulties and challenges related to the institutional design of participatory management implemented by the government team that took office in Macapá, in 2013. During the contextualization of the data, it became evident that the creation of the State of Amapá in 1988 was a dividing line that marked the beginning of the development of deep spatial, social, economic and political transformation processes in the municipality of Macapá, including the renewal of local political elites. The results lead to the identification of components that integrate family groups, political parties and local leaders involved in the political sphere of the city. When the declared intentions of opening channels of dialogue with the society, and the participation management in the processes of elaboration and execution of municipal planning were analyzed, it was verified that the greatest efforts of mobilization for shared elaboration of the municipal planning and allocation of resources in programs to manage participation in the multi-annual plan took place in 2013. The government that took office from 2013 to 2016 implemented participatory experiences with different models and names, such as O povo no commando, Congresso do povo e Prefeitura na sua rua. These experiences changed the approach given to the relationship with society in the last half of its four-year term. Although the model of participatory management adopted in the municipality has generated advances and empowerment, it also presented evidence of conflicts, limitations and challenges. Even though the purpose of this study is not to advance in the field of pragmatics, the results allow us to infer that, starting from the management design adopted by the municipality of Macapá, from 2013 to 2016, and from the perceptions about its implantation process, there is a need to reduce the centrality of the government in the management of participatory Institutions and the effective broadening of the participatory process beyond the initial stages of preparation of the Multi-annual Plan, the Budget Directive Law and the Annual Budget Law. These steps aim to overcome the difficulties faced during the monitoring of controlling actions, and in the access of different members of the civil society to the various sectors of the city hall. / Esta Tese tem como escopo principal apresentar o resultado do estudo sobre o processo de interlocução entre integrantes da sociedade civil e o poder público em Macapá (capital do estado do Amapá), dando relevo à análise das dinâmicas de participação de membros da sociedade no processo político de elaboração e execução do planejamento municipal, através da implantação de um desenho institucional de gestão compartilhada proposto pela equipe de governo que assumiu a administração pública durante o período de 2013 a 2016. Sem a pretensão de apresentar avaliações de resultados e efetividades das políticas públicas implementadas no recorte temporal estabelecido, no atual estudo englobaram-se os seguintes objetivos integrados: a) Descortinar elementos que contextualizam a ambiência macapaense sob a perspectiva do seu desenvolvimento e da configuração de sua elite política local; b) Resgatar as características das dinâmicas institucionais de gestão participativa induzidas pela Prefeitura do Município de Macapá relacionadas à elaboração e execução do Plano Plurianual, no período de 2013 a 2016; e, c) Apontar avanços, apropriações, conflitos, dificuldades e desafios vinculados ao desenho institucional de gestão participativa implementado pela equipe de governo que assumiu a administração pública do Município de Macapá no ano de 2013. No resgate contextual, evidenciou-se que a criação do Estado do Amapá, em 1988, tornou-se uma linha divisória que marca o início do desenvolvimento de profundos processos de transformação espacial, social, econômica e política no Município de Macapá, inclusive com renovação das elites políticas locais. Os resultados apontaram para a identificação de componentes que integram grupos familiares, partidos políticos e lideranças locais envolvidos na esfera política macapaense. Ao analisar as intencionalidades declaradas de abertura de canais de diálogo com a sociedade, e de gestão da participação nos processos de elaboração e execução do planejamento municipal, constatou-se que, em 2013, ocorreram os maiores esforços de mobilização para elaboração compartilhada do planejamento municipal e de alocação de recursos em programas de gestão da participação no planejamento plurianual do município. O governo que assumiu a gestão pública municipal no período de 2013 a 2016 implantou experiências participativas com modelos e denominações variadas como “O Povo no Comando”, “Congresso do Povo” e “Prefeitura na sua Rua”, alterando a abordagem dada ao relacionamento com a sociedade a partir da segunda metade de seu mandato. Por mais que o modelo de gestão participativa adotado no município tenha gerado avanços e empoderamentos, também apresentou evidências de conflitos, limitações e desafios. Mesmo não sendo propósito do presente estudo avançar no domínio da pragmática, os resultados permitem inferir que, partindo-se do desenho de gestão adotado pela Prefeitura Municipal de Macapá, nos anos de 2013 a 2016, e das percepções sobre seu processo de implantação, desponta a necessidade de redução da centralidade do governo na gestão das Instituições Participativas e da efetiva ampliação do processo participativo para além das etapas iniciais de elaboração do PPA, LDO e LOA, visando superar as dificuldades encontradas no acompanhamento das ações de fiscalização e controle, e no acesso dos representantes da sociedade aos vários setores da prefeitura.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 905182 bytes, checksum: bdb2e144facbd281a2f0ec97a3141528 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The global scenario, in recent times, has been reflecting economic and political changes that alter the way how the most diverse social and political agents interact. The need for expansion of the democracy, increasingly accentuated, in the search for the incorporation of social actors in political processes, legitimized not only by formal vote, but also in a real relationship with the popular will, gives emphasis to participatory democracy. Studies have emphasized that this practice can be considered as an effective method to rescue and practice of citizenship, from the expansion of the existing relationship between State and civil society, strengthening the Democratic State of Law. Since the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988, Brazil began to deal with new forms of participation in political decisions. This new democratic model develops participatory practices, such as the democratic budget - a tool that aims to democratize public spaces, valorizing the participation, by granting the citizen the opportunity to opine, debate and deliberate on matters relating to public expenditures. In this way, the experience of participatory management, from the institution of the democratic budget and its contribution while propelling element of citizenship, is the object of our study. This work aims to contribute to the discussions on popular participation and effectuation of the citizenship, from the appropriation of the operating mechanisms of the State by the actors of the civil society, addressing issues regarding citizenship, popular participation and democratic budget. The hypothesis is based on the contribution that the democratic budget has to the expansion of the citizenship of portions of citizens that participate in this process, stimulating the social actors learning, from the insertion in spaces of social participation, as the democratic budget, collaborating with the realization of a more active and participatory citizenship. For the development of the research, it was used the qualitative methodology, and as a research technique, it was used the bibliographic research. This study seeks to reflect on the possibility of the democratic budget rescue the effectiveness of democracy, returning to the concept of citizenship and popular sovereignty, based on the idea of citizen participation in the affairs of community s interest. / O cenário global, nos últimos tempos, vem refletindo mudanças econômicas e políticas que alteram a maneira como interagem os mais diversos agentes sociais e políticos. A necessidade de ampliação da democracia, na busca cada vez mais acentuada da incorporação dos atores sociais aos processos políticos, legitimada não apenas pelo voto formal, mas numa relação real com a vontade popular, confere destaque à democracia participativa. Estudos têm enfatizado que essa prática pode ser considerada método eficaz no resgate e prática da cidadania, a partir da ampliação de relação existente entre Estado e sociedade civil, fortalecendo o Estado Democrático de Direito. A partir da promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, o Brasil começou a se relacionar com novas formas de participação nas decisões políticas. Este novo modelo democrático desenvolve práticas participativas, a exemplo do orçamento democrático, instrumento que se propõe a democratizar os espaços públicos, valorizando a participação, pela concessão ao cidadão da oportunidade de opinar, debater e deliberar sobre matérias inerentes as despesas públicas. De tal modo, a experiência da gestão participativa, a partir da instituição do orçamento democrático e sua contribuição enquanto elemento propulsor da cidadania, constitui o nosso objeto de estudo. Este trabalho tem como objetivo contribuir com as discussões realizadas sobre participação popular e a efetivação da cidadania, a partir da apropriação dos mecanismos de funcionamento do Estado pelos atores da sociedade civil, abordando temas referentes à cidadania, participação popular e orçamento democrático. A hipótese é fundamentada na contribuição que o orçamento democrático possui na ampliação da cidadania de parcelas dos munícipes que participam desse processo, estimulando os aprendizados dos atores sociais a partir da inserção em espaços de participação social, como o orçamento democrático, colaborando com a concretização de uma cidadania mais ativa e participativa. Para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa, fez-se uso da metodologia qualitativa, e, como técnica de pesquisa, fez-se uso da pesquisa bibliográfica. Esse estudo procura refletir sobre a possibilidade de o orçamento democrático resgatar a efetividade da democracia, retomando o conceito de cidadania e soberania popular, pautado na ideia de participação dos cidadãos nos assuntos de interesse da coletividade.

This study is testing referendums and how democratic they are by studying the pros and cons. To help analysing my pros and cons I am doing a case study on the referendum in Catalonia 2017. The reason why I decided on this case is because it is the second time in a three years that the region is holding a referendum on independence, and to say the result has not been controversial would be equally controversial. To answer my questions What are the pros and cons with referendums? and In which ways are these visible in the referendum in Catalonia 2017? I have done a quick study on democratic theory and the possible ways of participation, the focus being on participatory democracy, in particular referendums. Referendums are a great way of letting the public decide on matters that will affect them. However the public’s lack of knowledge on politics and democracy may effect their ability to make wise decisions. For them to make the wisest decision it is necessary that the politicians educate the public on the alternatives and their consequences. There is no way of saying that a referendum is or isn’t democratic, it all depends on how it is executed.

L’objectif de ce travail est de chercher à comprendre comment des dispositifs participatifs génèrent des effets au niveau de la relation entre les représentants des pouvoirs publics et les représentants associatifs mobilisés autour des dispositifs mis en place dans le cadre du « Programme national de rénovation urbaine » en France et de l’« Initiative nationale pour le développement humain en milieu urbain » au Maroc. Cela permet de comprendre les points communs et divergents entre les deux cas étudiés.Cette recherche s’appuie sur le recueil d’environ 70 entretiens semi-directifs. Ceux-ci ont été réalisés avec des acteurs publics et associatifs impliqués dans le « PNRU » en France et dans l’« INDH en milieu urbain » au Maroc.Cette thèse montre que les dispositifs participatifs mis en œuvre dans le cadre du Programme national de rénovation urbaine et de l’INDH en milieu urbain, contribuent à transformer la relation entre les représentants des pouvoirs publics et les représentants associatifs. Ces dispositifs ont donné lieu à l’émergence de « professionnels » de la participation. L’enquête montre par ailleurs que les pouvoirs publics utilisent les ressources associatives pour produire de l’action publique dans les quartiers populaires. Dans ce cadre, les acteurs associatifs accomplissent des actions qui devraient être réalisées par des agents publics. / The objective of the present work is to understand the impact of participative mechanisms at the level of relationship between representatives of public authorities and representatives of the civil society mobilized around the procedures set up within the framework of the « National Urban Renewal Program » (NURP) in France and of the « National Initiative for Human Development » (NIHD) in urban areas in Morocco. This will enable us to elucidate the convergences and divergences between the two cases.The data of this research is based on 70 semi-structured interviews. They were conducted with public actors and members of the civil society involved in the « NURP » in France and the « NIHD in urban areas » in Morocco.In this dissertation I argue that the participative mechanisms implemented within the framework of the NURP and the NIHD in urban areas contribute to the transformation of the relationship between representatives of the public authorities and the association’s representatives. These mechanisms gave rise to the emergence of "professionals" of participation. The survey also argues that authorities use the associative resources to produce public action in working class districts. In this context, the associative actors carry out actions which should have been accomplished by public agents.

Les travaux sur la participation n’interrogent presque jamais la question de « l’effet secteur » (au sens de secteur d’action publique) sur la participation, de même que les particularités de la participation liées aux particularités du secteur. De même, ils questionnent peu les effets des pratiques participatives sur les secteurs d’action publique. Tout se passe comme si les secteurs d’action publique étaient interchangeables et réduits à n’être que de simples matériaux empiriques pour questionner la démocratie participative et son instrumentation. Partant de ce constat, cette thèse interroge l’effet sectoriel sur la participation, à travers l’étude de la participation dans le secteur sanitaire. Qu’est-ce que le secteur sanitaire, secteur d’action publique dominé par un haut degré d’expertise et de connaissances scientifiques, politiques et administratives, fait à la participation ? Quelles sont les spécificités de la participation sanitaire ? Pour répondre à ces questionnements, la thèse s’appuie sur une mosaïque de terrains dans l’optique d’avoir une vue suffisamment large et globale du secteur sanitaire, sans être « pris au piège » d’un terrain d’enquête qui serait trop spécifique pour être réellement représentatif du secteur. La thèse interroge à la fois les particularités de la participation sanitaire dans la littérature, à travers la socialisation d’un ensemble d’agents et dans une pluralité de configurations sociales. / Research on participation rarely looks to the impact of the « sector effect » (in the sense of sectors of public activities) on participation or sector-specific particularities in terms of participation. Furthermore, it rarely surveys the effects of participatory practices on different sectors of public activities. Everything happens as though every sector of public activity were interchangeable, with sectors reduced to simple empirical data used to study participatory democracy and how it is instrumentalized. In light of these observations, this dissertation examines the sector effect on participation by studying participation in the healthcare sector. What does the healthcare sector  ̶  an area of public activities dominated by a great degree of expertise and scientific, political, and administrative knowledge  ̶ do to participation? What are the particularities of participation in the healthcare sector? To answer these questions, this dissertation turns to an assortment of fields of inquiry, in order to establish a sufficiently broad and comprehensive overview of the healthcare sector and avoid falling into the “trap” of examining a single field that might be too specific to be truly representative of the sector. This thesis examines the specificities of participation in healthcare in academic research, in the socialization of a variety of people involved in the sector, and in a range of social settings.

An ongoing debate surrounds the question of whether digital media can promote participatory democracy. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama’s campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website promotes or discourages participatory democracy. For a rich analysis, the case study drew on various relevant theoretical perspectives, including the concepts of participatory democracy and digital democracy. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study found that my.barackobama.com promoted political knowledge and non-electoral participation, but failed to promote political discussion and community. Consequently, the recommendations highlighted the importance of an online public sphere. The findings of this case study add to the research literature about the political use of digital media, and they also add new information about Barack Obama’s digital media strategies.

O presente trabalho se insere no campo sobre Democracia Digital e procura compreender o funcionamento das iniciativas de participação digitais que visam incidir na decisão política. Será argumentado que, na ausência de ferramentas de agregação e de níveis de representação, é através de um processo de tradução que o Estado é capaz de lidar com os grandes volumes de informação difusa provenientes dessas iniciativas. Ao longo do trabalho, serão explorados os aspectos que compõem o processo de tradução e será utilizado como exemplo empírico o estudo de caso sobre o Marco Civil da Internet. / This work falls within the field of Digital Democracy and intents to understand the functioning of digital participation initiatives seeking to produce effects on political decision. I argue that in the absence of aggregation- and representation-level tools, it is through a translation process that the state is able to handle the large volumes of scattered information from these initiatives. Throughout the work, the aspects that constitute the translation process and the empirical example will be a case study on the Brazilian Civil Rights Framework for the Internet

This paper presents a study on how the Swedish EU committee has processed and implemented the Lisbon Treaty. More specifically, the eight article; provision on democratic principles. The eight article intends to increase the level of political participation among the citizens of EU. Therefore, the study also provides the perspective of the citizens of Sweden regarding whether they think they can affect the decisions made by the EU and also, whether they actually do participate in the democratic life provided by the EU. Through combining the work of the EU committee and the perspective of the Swedish people, the study contributes with a wide perspective that can understand how the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty has turned out. What this study has presented is that the work of the EU committee has been limited, which also reflects the Swedes’ engagement in participatory democracy. In addition to this, there are also split opinions whether they think they can affect the political decisions made by the EU.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / It is often argued that public participation is the cornerstone of constitutional democracy especially in countries such as South Africa with the history of segregation which was characterised by the exclusion of the majority of citizens from the decision-making processes of the state based on race, class and gender. As such, following the introduction of the various pieces of legislation in 1994, the dominant narrative was that the progressive laws that were passed would serve as a ‘panacea’ to the challenges of participatory governance in South Africa. It was inconceivable that 25 years into democracy, South Africa would still be grappling with the concept of public participation and the extent to which citizens could influence, direct and own decisions made by and with government especially at a local level. This study assessed the state of public participation in the Western Cape focusing on Beaufort Municipality in the Central Karoo District. It argued that public participation is a prerequisite for democratic governance and that the state could be deemed illegitimate if it does not prioritize the involvement of communities in its affairs. In this context, a particular focus was placed on the effectiveness of the ward committee system (as state sponsored mechanisms of public participation) in enhancing participatory democracy in Beaufort West Municipality. It refuted assumptions on the institutional arrangements made in the legislative framework governing public participation and ward committees – identifying and outlining some of the unanticipated consequences of these pieces of legislation. The study used qualitative research methods to collect data. Primary and secondary data was gathered to assess the state of public participation in the Western Cape with specific reference on the effectiveness of the ward committee system and the role of legislative and regulatory framework governing public participation, the institutional architecture and the roles of various stakeholders involved in public participation. The primary data was gathered through structured interviews and questionnaires while the secondary data was collected the analysis of the literature on public participation and ward committees including municipal reports, guidelines on public participation, legislation and policy frameworks. The research found that it is precisely the state sanctioned ward committee system that has contributed to the collapse of public participation in South Africa. The ward committee system was identified as a ‘poisoned chalice’ - so compromised that it has become an instrument to legitimise predetermined decisions of the politically connected elite, a rubber v stamp platform to comply with the policy and legislative framework. To address this problem, the study recommended a number of measures and interventions that could be introduced which entails the reconfiguration and overhaul of the legislative framework governing public participation and ward committees including the review of the role of politicians in public participation, training and capacity building, allocation of dedicated budget for public participation etc.