<p>Here is presented the result and discussion of a survey concerning the psychosocial environment in a school in the vicinity of Stockholm. The theoretical background of this study was the model of demand-control by Theorell, and various aspects of stress by Frankenhauser and Ödman. The survey was constituted of an inquiry form which was handed out to six different classes at the school. A total of 86 students filled in the form, and their answers were treated with standard statistical procedures to reveal the results. The inquiry form was made up by five parts; one that concerned the background of the respondent, one that reflected the psychosocial health and stress level and three parts that concerned discrimination, victimization and school democracy. Among the results was that female students was highly affected by stress related psychosocial disorder, and that they probably in some sense were able to cope with it because of good relations to friends. Another result of the study was that students with different cultural backgrounds had the same psychosocial health conditions as those with Swedish cultural background, and they were not seemingly affected by discrimination. These results, as well as the others in this study, are of course part of a very complex context and no certain conclusions can be drawn.</p>

<p>The main objective in this study is to examine the pupil’s possibility to affect the upper secondary schools in Stockholm, Sweden. I was once active in the pupil’s council and experienced some hardships, feeling a great dissatisfaction among teachers and principals against pupil’s suggestions and chances to affect their school environment. Thus I wanted to do a contemporary study of where schools in Stockholm stand today within this issue. This study is based on Robert A. Dahl’s theory about democracy, from which I have created my theoretical template, I interpreted Dahl’s theory and formed my own seven institutions from his original theory. With this construction I developed survey questions, which were designed to measure school democracy. I used a qualitative survey method, where I interviewed pupils who are active in the pupil’s council in five different schools today, one of the respondents is a civil servant for the Swedish pupils council centralorganization (Seco).</p><p>Based on my interviews I have analyzed whether the contemporary upper secondary schools is or is not democratic. My conclusion, I see a wide variety of democratic institutions in Stockholm today, but when comparing the schools today with schools just six years ago, I can trace down huge differences. The pupil’s have learned to organize in a wider manner than six years ago, moreover the main problem doesn’t seem to be a lack of opportunities to influence the school today, the general attitude against the pupil’s council seem to have changed considerably amongst principals and teachers for the better. The main problem for the schools to actually be democratic in a wide manner seems to lie on the pupil’s, if pupil’s showed more interest the schools would be more democratic. Because schools today strive to be as democratic as possible and with organizations like Seco the pupil’s council will be democratic as well, the schools in the Swedish (Stockholm) contemporary society today is according to my study democratic.  </p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong></strong> </p>

Here is presented the result and discussion of a survey concerning the psychosocial environment in a school in the vicinity of Stockholm. The theoretical background of this study was the model of demand-control by Theorell, and various aspects of stress by Frankenhauser and Ödman. The survey was constituted of an inquiry form which was handed out to six different classes at the school. A total of 86 students filled in the form, and their answers were treated with standard statistical procedures to reveal the results. The inquiry form was made up by five parts; one that concerned the background of the respondent, one that reflected the psychosocial health and stress level and three parts that concerned discrimination, victimization and school democracy. Among the results was that female students was highly affected by stress related psychosocial disorder, and that they probably in some sense were able to cope with it because of good relations to friends. Another result of the study was that students with different cultural backgrounds had the same psychosocial health conditions as those with Swedish cultural background, and they were not seemingly affected by discrimination. These results, as well as the others in this study, are of course part of a very complex context and no certain conclusions can be drawn.

The violent extremism represents the greatest threat towards the society of today. The school does not have an explicit assignment in the crime prevention work against violent extremism. The school and education, are important factors in preventing children and young people from being involved in violent extremism. Because of this, the school staff has an important task. The aim of this study was to shed light on school staff need to relate to and manage violent extremism in school. This study is conducted by having a qualitative method with six semistructured interviews, where the empirical information is analysed with a qualitative analysis. Further, the theoretical starting point is the theory of health known as Sense of Coherence (SOC) and Job- demands- control-support-model (JDCS), as well as Norm-critical pedagogy. Three categories could be found from the analysis. The personnel are in need of reducing uncertainty, The personnel are in need of increased support and The personnel are in need of knowledge. The conclusion is that school staff are in need of reducing uncertainty about expressing themselves wrong and dare to engage in dialogue with students. School staff are also in need of increased support in the form of collaboration with actors, access to an action plan and more resources. The school staff is also in need of more knowledge about violent extremism, the democratic mission and what the law says. Finally, they need better information and guidelines on how to act when a student risks being involved in violent extremism. / Våldsbejakande extremism utgör det största hotet mot säkerheten i dagens samhälle. Skolan har inte ett uttalat uppdrag i det brottsförebyggande arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism. Skolan som arena och utbildning är dock viktiga faktorer för att förebygga att barn och ungdomar involveras i våldsbejakande extremism. Därav har skolpersonalen en betydelsefull uppgift. Studiens syfte var att belysa skolpersonals behov av att förhålla sig till och hantera våldsbejakande extremism i skolan. Studien utgörs av en kvalitativ metod i form av sex semistrukturerade intervjuer, där empirin analyserades via en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Studiens teoretiska utgångspunkt var hälsoteorierna Känsla av Sammanhang (KASAM) och Krav/kontroll/stödmodellen (KKS) samt den pedagogiska utgångspunkten Normkritisk pedagogik. Analysen resulterade i tre kategorier som utgör studiens resultat och speglar studiens syfte; Skolpersonal är i behov av att minska osäkerheten, Skolpersonal är i behov av ökat stöd och Skolpersonal är i behov av kunskap. Studiens slutsats är att skolpersonalen är i behov av att minska osäkerheten över att uttrycka sig fel och våga föra dialog med eleverna. Skolpersonalen är även i behov av ökat stöd i form av samarbete med aktörer, ta del av en handlingsplan och mer resurser. Skolpersonalen är likaså i behov av mer kunskap om våldsbejakande extremism, det demokratiska uppdraget samt vad lagen säger. Slutligen är de i behov av bättre information och riktlinjer om hur de ska agera när en elev riskerar att involveras i våldsbejakande extremism.

<p><strong>Bakgrund</strong></p><p>Inkludering och begreppet "en skola för alla" har länge varit uttryck för en officiell policy i svensk skola, men uppfattningarna om vad som egentligen kännetecknar en inkluderande skola och "en skola för alla" varierar kraftigt.</p><p><strong>Syfte</strong></p><p>Syftet med undersökningen var att synliggöra och beskriva rektorers uppfattningar och attityder till inkludering och begreppet "en skola för alla". Utifrån syftet var frågeställningarna: Vilka personliga synsätt och värderingar kan urskiljas i rektorernas resonemang kring en inkluderande skola? Hur resonerar rektorerna kring möjligheter, mål och strategier för att realisera "en skola för alla"? Vad kännetecknar, ur ett ledningsperspektiv, en inkluderande skola?</p><p><strong>Urval</strong></p><p>Fem rektorer, verksamma inom grundskolan i en medelstor svensk stad, valdes ut efter att ha svarat positivt på en skriftlig förfrågan. Urvalsgruppen bestod av tre män och två kvinnor. En av rektorerna var även ansvarig för särskolan. Tre av rektorerna var verksamma på skolor med stor social och etnisk mångfald, medan två arbetade i socialt stabila områden med homogen elevsammansättning.</p><p><strong>Design och metod</strong></p><p>Semistrukturerade intervjuer, baserade på en intervjuguide med några få, öppna frågor genomfördes med de deltagande rektorerna. Intervjuerna varade i ungefär en timme vardera, bandades och transkriberades i sin helhet. Intervjupersonerna erbjöds att läsa en sammanfattning av intervjuerna. Analysen genomfördes utifrån ett kritiskt perspektiv, inspirerat av diskursanalys. Fokus lades på olika sätt att tala om inkludering och "en skola för alla". Utsagorna kategoriserades för vidare analys. Avsikten var att definiera olika teman och mönster i rektorernas uttalanden.</p><p><strong>Resultat</strong></p><p>Rektorerna talar om inkludering utifrån personliga värderingar, men relaterar även till olika utbildningsideologier, demokratimodeller och politiska synsätt. Resultatet visar på det komplicerade sambandet mellan samhälle, skolans styrning och realiserandet av utbildning, samt de konsekvenser skolledarskapet får i arbetet med inkluderande undervisningsformer i skolan.</p><p><strong>Slutsatser</strong></p><p>Resultatet visar på betydande likheter mellan rektorerna, men det finns samtidigt stora variationer i sättet att tala om och närma sig utmaningarna med att realisera en inkluderande skola för alla. Utifrån personliga synsätt beträffande den mening och innebörd som tillskrivs begreppet inkludering, utvecklar rektorerna olika strategier och praktiska tillvägagångssätt i tolkningen och formuleringen av sitt uppdrag.</p> / <p><strong>Background</strong></p><p>Inclusion and the concept of 'A School for All' have for many years been an expression of official policy for the Swedish nine-year compulsory school. Opinions as to what really constitutes an inclusive school or "one school for all" vary considerably.</p><p><strong>Purpose</strong></p><p>The aim of the study is to describe and highlight head teachers' personal attitudes and views on inclusion and the notion of the "one school for all" concept. Main questions were: How might head teachers articulate the possibilities, aims and strategies for realizing "a school for all"? What might characterize "a school for all", from a head teachers' point of view?</p><p><strong>Sample</strong></p><p>Five compulsory school head teachers, three male and two female from a medium size Swedish town, were selected on the basis of positive responses to a letter of enquiry. Two of the heads' schools were housed in the same building: one head having responsibility for F-6 and classes for children with severe learning disorders and the other for compulsory school classes. Three of the head teachers worked in schools with a large social and ethnic diversity, while two worked in schools with a more homogeneous student composition.</p><p><strong>Design and methods</strong></p><p>Semi-structured interviews, based on an interview guide with a number of open-ended questions were carried out. Interviews lasted about one hour each and were taped and fully transcribed. Interviewees were given an opportunity to read an interview summary. Using a critical perspective inspired by discourse analysis, attention was paid to different modes of articulating the notions of inclusion and "a school for all". Subjects' statements were categorized and further analysed with the intention of locating different themes and patterns in the statements taken together.</p><p><strong>Results</strong></p><p>While head teachers did express personal opinions about inclusion, their statements could also be related to different educational ideologies, models for democracy and political positions. The results indicate the complex relations between society, school governance and the realization of educational goals, including the various consequences of different ways of thinking about school leadership and how this in turn relates to inclusive education.</p><p><strong>Conclusions</strong></p><p>Interviewees' statements show significant similarities but also wide variation in how they articulate and approach the challenges of making an inclusive school for all a reality. Depending on their personal positions regarding the meaning and understanding of the term inclusion, these head teachers are developing different strategies and practices as they interpret and formulate their mission.</p>

Bakgrund Inkludering och begreppet "en skola för alla" har länge varit uttryck för en officiell policy i svensk skola, men uppfattningarna om vad som egentligen kännetecknar en inkluderande skola och "en skola för alla" varierar kraftigt. Syfte Syftet med undersökningen var att synliggöra och beskriva rektorers uppfattningar och attityder till inkludering och begreppet "en skola för alla". Utifrån syftet var frågeställningarna: Vilka personliga synsätt och värderingar kan urskiljas i rektorernas resonemang kring en inkluderande skola? Hur resonerar rektorerna kring möjligheter, mål och strategier för att realisera "en skola för alla"? Vad kännetecknar, ur ett ledningsperspektiv, en inkluderande skola? Urval Fem rektorer, verksamma inom grundskolan i en medelstor svensk stad, valdes ut efter att ha svarat positivt på en skriftlig förfrågan. Urvalsgruppen bestod av tre män och två kvinnor. En av rektorerna var även ansvarig för särskolan. Tre av rektorerna var verksamma på skolor med stor social och etnisk mångfald, medan två arbetade i socialt stabila områden med homogen elevsammansättning. Design och metod Semistrukturerade intervjuer, baserade på en intervjuguide med några få, öppna frågor genomfördes med de deltagande rektorerna. Intervjuerna varade i ungefär en timme vardera, bandades och transkriberades i sin helhet. Intervjupersonerna erbjöds att läsa en sammanfattning av intervjuerna. Analysen genomfördes utifrån ett kritiskt perspektiv, inspirerat av diskursanalys. Fokus lades på olika sätt att tala om inkludering och "en skola för alla". Utsagorna kategoriserades för vidare analys. Avsikten var att definiera olika teman och mönster i rektorernas uttalanden. Resultat Rektorerna talar om inkludering utifrån personliga värderingar, men relaterar även till olika utbildningsideologier, demokratimodeller och politiska synsätt. Resultatet visar på det komplicerade sambandet mellan samhälle, skolans styrning och realiserandet av utbildning, samt de konsekvenser skolledarskapet får i arbetet med inkluderande undervisningsformer i skolan. Slutsatser Resultatet visar på betydande likheter mellan rektorerna, men det finns samtidigt stora variationer i sättet att tala om och närma sig utmaningarna med att realisera en inkluderande skola för alla. Utifrån personliga synsätt beträffande den mening och innebörd som tillskrivs begreppet inkludering, utvecklar rektorerna olika strategier och praktiska tillvägagångssätt i tolkningen och formuleringen av sitt uppdrag. / Background Inclusion and the concept of 'A School for All' have for many years been an expression of official policy for the Swedish nine-year compulsory school. Opinions as to what really constitutes an inclusive school or "one school for all" vary considerably. Purpose The aim of the study is to describe and highlight head teachers' personal attitudes and views on inclusion and the notion of the "one school for all" concept. Main questions were: How might head teachers articulate the possibilities, aims and strategies for realizing "a school for all"? What might characterize "a school for all", from a head teachers' point of view? Sample Five compulsory school head teachers, three male and two female from a medium size Swedish town, were selected on the basis of positive responses to a letter of enquiry. Two of the heads' schools were housed in the same building: one head having responsibility for F-6 and classes for children with severe learning disorders and the other for compulsory school classes. Three of the head teachers worked in schools with a large social and ethnic diversity, while two worked in schools with a more homogeneous student composition. Design and methods Semi-structured interviews, based on an interview guide with a number of open-ended questions were carried out. Interviews lasted about one hour each and were taped and fully transcribed. Interviewees were given an opportunity to read an interview summary. Using a critical perspective inspired by discourse analysis, attention was paid to different modes of articulating the notions of inclusion and "a school for all". Subjects' statements were categorized and further analysed with the intention of locating different themes and patterns in the statements taken together. Results While head teachers did express personal opinions about inclusion, their statements could also be related to different educational ideologies, models for democracy and political positions. The results indicate the complex relations between society, school governance and the realization of educational goals, including the various consequences of different ways of thinking about school leadership and how this in turn relates to inclusive education. Conclusions Interviewees' statements show significant similarities but also wide variation in how they articulate and approach the challenges of making an inclusive school for all a reality. Depending on their personal positions regarding the meaning and understanding of the term inclusion, these head teachers are developing different strategies and practices as they interpret and formulate their mission.

In the mid-20th century the assignment of nurturing democratic citizens in Swedish schools, was first proposed and implemented. Since then, the democratic assignment has been put aside by the schools´ second assignment: communicating knowledge. The aim of this essay is to once again bring light on this forgotten assignment. I have gathered the material for this essay by interviewing five teachers of upper secondary school. By the use of three ideal types of democratic theory I then analyze the material to determine the teachers´ views on school democracy and their ways of using it in their teaching. The ideal types are participatory democracy, discursive democracy and representative democracy. The results show that the interviewed teachers share very similar views on school democracy, close to the ideal type participatory democracy. In their use of school democracy in teaching traces of both participatory and discursive democracy, can be found.

The following study examines the construction of political identities in the cinematic adaptations of Suzanne Collins "The Hunger Games". This is done through the lense of a post-structuralist, discourse-oriented, theoretical framework. Drawing on Chantal Mouffe's and Ernesto Laclau's concept of hegemony as well as Kimberle Crenshaw's theory of intersectionality (amongst others), I used the series main protagonist - Katniss Everdeen - as the focal point of my analysis. Situated in the intersection between class, gender and race, she is a pivotal subject in the hegemonic struggle of the films, having been labelled as a feminist icon. My aims were as follows: Firstly, I wished to establish the hegemonic structures of The Hunger Games. Secondly, I interpreted in what ways Katniss Everdeen related to these, and lastly, I sought to connect my findings to central concepts of school democracy - as I am to become an upper secondary teacher in social studies.       The analysis leaves one ambiguous as to whether Katniss is to be seen as a subversive or conformist figure. If we look at the narrative where she acts as the unifying "Mockingjay" in the struggle against "The Capitol", several subversive acts can be found - especially concerning class. However - the parallell narrative of the love-triangle, the one between Katniss, Peeta and Gale, distorts the picture. The revolutionary subversiveness of Gale is contrasted with the democratic conformity of Peeta. In the end, Katniss chooses the latter. This is to be seen against the horizon that most characters in disadvantaged positions die in their hegemonic resistance. Democracy is thus construed as the safe option, whereas heteronormativity and racism remain largely unchallenged. Regarding the reality of pupils - Katniss can be used to illustrate the limits and possibilities of the intersectional experience, and more so, to demonstrate the precariousness of diverging from the norm.

The main objective in this study is to examine the pupil’s possibility to affect the upper secondary schools in Stockholm, Sweden. I was once active in the pupil’s council and experienced some hardships, feeling a great dissatisfaction among teachers and principals against pupil’s suggestions and chances to affect their school environment. Thus I wanted to do a contemporary study of where schools in Stockholm stand today within this issue. This study is based on Robert A. Dahl’s theory about democracy, from which I have created my theoretical template, I interpreted Dahl’s theory and formed my own seven institutions from his original theory. With this construction I developed survey questions, which were designed to measure school democracy. I used a qualitative survey method, where I interviewed pupils who are active in the pupil’s council in five different schools today, one of the respondents is a civil servant for the Swedish pupils council centralorganization (Seco). Based on my interviews I have analyzed whether the contemporary upper secondary schools is or is not democratic. My conclusion, I see a wide variety of democratic institutions in Stockholm today, but when comparing the schools today with schools just six years ago, I can trace down huge differences. The pupil’s have learned to organize in a wider manner than six years ago, moreover the main problem doesn’t seem to be a lack of opportunities to influence the school today, the general attitude against the pupil’s council seem to have changed considerably amongst principals and teachers for the better. The main problem for the schools to actually be democratic in a wide manner seems to lie on the pupil’s, if pupil’s showed more interest the schools would be more democratic. Because schools today strive to be as democratic as possible and with organizations like Seco the pupil’s council will be democratic as well, the schools in the Swedish (Stockholm) contemporary society today is according to my study democratic.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In this study, we approach the Political Pedagogical Project (PPP) centrality as scholar everydayness important articulator, as innovation instrument at school and potential articulator of teachers permanent formation, through processes auto(trans)formatives, with the development of educational institution. We reference Paulo Freire, Francisco Imbernón, Isabel Alarcão, Antônio Nóvoa, Vitor Paro e Heloisa Luck, among others, in order to think the PPP as an important participation and decision sharing mechanism, in a way that its shared construction by scholar community is a dialogical and humanizer movement of educative institution. So, this text is a theoretical-practical research report, of the qualitative approach, of case-study method, which comprises its arising reflections. Locus was an cluster of three urban school of an Municipal Teaching Network. Eight teachers, scholar council members of their respective schools, served as subjects. This research aims to verify how the school PPP articulates its everydayness and permanent teachers formation, seen that this articulation makes viable the docent professionality development, through direct teachers participation in argument about schools problematics and, by consequence, promote the educative institution development. With the research we noticed that PPP is not the docent auto(trans)formatives processes articulator with the school everydayness, and that the public politics to permanent teachers formation at Municipal Teaching Network have been implemented in a view that sees the teacher as an executor of such politics and not an author, losing a privileged space of docent professional development linked to educative institution development. / Neste texto, abordo a centralidade do Projeto Político-Pedagógico (PPP) como grande articulador da cotidianidade escolar, como instrumento da inovação na escola e como um potencial articulador da formação permanente dos professores, através de processos auto(trans)formativos, com o desenvolvimento da instituição educativa. Referencio-me em Paulo Freire, Francisco Imbernón, Isabel Alarcão, Antônio Nóvoa, Vitor Paro e Heloisa Luck, dentre outros; para pensar o PPP como um importante mecanismo de participação e compartilhamento de decisões, de forma que a sua construção, compartilhada pela comunidade escolar, constitua-se em um movimento dialógico e humanizador da instituição educativa. Assim, este texto constitui-se em um relato de uma pesquisa de cunho teórico-prático, de abordagem qualitativa, do tipo estudo de casos (múltiplos casos), que vem acompanhada das reflexões dela advindas. O lócus foi um grupo de três escolas urbanas de uma Rede Municipal de Ensino, sendo sujeitos um total de oito professores, membros dos Conselhos Escolares de suas respectivas escolas. Com esta pesquisa, buscou-se verificar como o PPP das escolas articula a sua cotidianidade e a formação permanente dos professores, tendo por base que essa articulação torna possível o desenvolvimento da profissionalidade docente, através da participação direta dos professores nas discussões acerca das problemáticas da escola e, por consequência, promove o desenvolvimento da instituição educativa. Constatou-se, com a pesquisa, que o PPP não é o articulador dos processos auto(trans)formativos docentes com a cotidianidade da escola e que as políticas públicas para a formação permanente de professores na Rede Municipal de Educação pesquisada têm sido implementadas dentro de uma perspectiva que vê o professor como um executor dessas políticas e não como um autor, perdendo-se um espaço privilegiado de desenvolvimento profissional docente ligado ao desenvolvimento da instituição educativa.