The thesis addresses legal status of police officers by scrutinizing efficiency of the institution, identifying the key determinants of the efficiency and modeling legal measures that would allow prompt reaction to the unstable environment of the police service. Efficiency of Legal Status is analyzed via assessment of elements of the legal status and classification of those into four correlative segments. The work comprises an eight year evolution of the efficiency, its sociological indexes in police services exercising patrolling of public places, control of traffic safety and protection of secured objects. The thesis evaluates effects of social environment (community) and political and economic factors upon efficiency of legal status in general and, by scrutinizing legal regulation in each segment individually, identifies faults and shortcomings in the efficiency and evaluates readiness of police officers to exercise their functions by comparison of training programs for primary pack police officers in Lithuania, Ireland and Finland. The thesis ends with a range of proposals on legal regulation of individual segments of the legal status that would allow enhancement of efficiency of legal status and on compensatory mechanisms to maintain restored efficiency of legal status. Conclusions of the survey reveal that the legal status of police officers regulated in accordance with positivistic legal theories is inefficient and neither meets demands of police officers nor the needs... [to full text] / Disertacijoje nagrinėjamas policijos pareigūnų teisinis statusas, tiriant šio viešosios teisės instituto veiksmingumą, nustatant ir įvertinant pagrindinius veiksmingumo determinantus ir modeliuojant teisines priemones, leidžiančias greitai reaguoti į kintančias policijos pareigūno veiklos sąlygas. Teisinio statuso veiksmingumas tiriamas vertinant teisinio statuso elementus, klasifikuojamus į keturis tarpusavyje koreliuojančius segmentus. Vertinama veiksmingumo pokyčio dinamika aštuonių metų laikotarpyje ir jo sociologiniai rodikliai policijos tarnybose, vykdančiose viešųjų vietų patruliavimą, eismo kontrolę ir objektų apsaugą. Disertacijoje įvertinama socialinės aplinkos (visuomenės), politinių ir ekonominių veiksnių įtaka teisinio statuso veiksmingumui apskritai ir kiekvienam teisinio statuso segmentui, analizuojamas segmentų teisinis reguliavimas, nustatant jo nepakankamumą ar ydingumą, vertinama policijos pareigūnų parengtis funkcijoms vykdyti, analizuojant ir lyginant Lietuvos Airijos ir Suomijos pirminės grandies policijos pareigūnų mokymo programas. Disertacijoje pateikiami pasiūlymai dėl teisinio statuso segmentų teisinio reguliavimo, sudarančio prielaidas didinti teisinio statuso veiksmingumą, ir dėl kompensacinių mechanizmų, skirtų palaikyti atkurtą statuso veiksmingumą. Tyrimo išvados atskleidžia, jog pagal pozityviosios teisės tradiciją reglamentuojamas ir įgyvendinamas policijos pareigūno teisinis statusas nėra veiksmingas, netenkina nei policijos pareigūnų, nei... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Effectiveness, productivity and motivation of police members are important factors that contribute to a country's stability, economic growth and development. As such, understanding experiences that police members might have with regard to the relationship between their work and personal life is the main focus area in this study. The objectives of this study were to determine how Afrikaans speaking police members experience work-personal life interaction, and secondly, to determine the main dimensions in the lives of Afrikaans speaking police members that is in interaction with each other, and thirdly, to determine the major antecedents and consequences of work-personal life for Afrikaans speaking police members, and fourthly, to determine which strategies Afrikaans speaking police members use to deal with work-personal life issues. Unstructured interviews were conducted with ten males and females in the police stations based in the Potchefstroom and Klerksdorp areas. Qualitative interviews based on the phenomenological paradigm, were used to determine police officers perception regarding work and personal life interaction. A Content analysis was used to analyse, quantify and interpret the research data. Police members reported experiencing their work as stressful, in that it interfered negatively with their lives and also had certain health implications. They further experienced some aspects in their personal lives (e.g., household duties, family responsibilities) interfering with their work. Furthermore, they reported using certain strategies (e.g., communication, support from a spouse) as a way of bettering the interaction between their work and personal lives. Recommendations for future research were made, / Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

This thesis explores the question, 'Who do South African police officers think they are and how does this shape police practice?' Based on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork in Cape Town and the Eastern Cape province of South Africa in 2012/13, it is an exploration of the deep-seated perceptions, stories and imaginings that South African Police Service (SAPS) officers have of themselves, their occupation and their country, in the early twenty-first century. It unpacks how officers’ individual narratives shape, and are shaped by organisational narratives and forces, and how this interplay influences police practice in an unequal and violent young democracy. The thesis suggests that a job in the SAPS is primarily just that, a job. It is a means to strive and survive in a country saturated in vulnerability and risk. Most officers join the organisation after other dreams have slipped out of reach. Once recruited they re-write their self-narratives to accommodate their new circumstances. Recruited from lineages long-oppressed, the meaning and income the job brings to their lives is usually more important to them than the work they carry out. As a result, they seek first to please their institutional overseers and ease the pressure of the job. This is achieved by enacting institutional performances that promote the idea that the SAPS is a rational, effective, evidence-based and rule-bound organisation made of up well trained officers performing common-sense crime prevention tasks, while hiding the darker side of police work. Using carefully choreographed performances, the SAPS and its officers present a strategically crafted façade behind which individual officers strive to secure their sense of self. When the façade is challenged, some resort to violence in an attempt to garner the respect they seek.

O termo bancada da bala descreve as bancadas suprapartidárias do Legislativo compostas majoritariamente por egressos das forças de segurança, cuja agenda se organiza em torno de temas da segurança pública. Seus membros são associados a uma visão autoritária e repressiva de controle social, aos interesses da indústria armamentista e a uma tensão constante com a política de Direitos Humanos. O sucesso e a articulação política de candidatos com esse perfil são retratados midiaticamente como expressão de uma onda conservadora no cenário político e social brasileiro. No entanto, a estruturação desses grupos não é um fenômeno recente, principalmente para o legislativo paulista que, desde 1987, apresenta grupos de deputados-policiais favoráveis a políticas de mano dura. Buscou-se compreender a estruturação desses grupos, com base em autores da Sociologia da Punição que identificam reconfigurações semelhantes no campo de controle do crime na maioria das democracias contemporâneas (como políticas de contenção contraditórias e ambivalentes, transformações nos discursos oficiais em relação ao crime no sentido de um populismo penal, crescimento dos sentimentos de insegurança e sua instrumentalização pela esfera política e eleitoreira). Investigou-se como essas questões se organizam nos discursos de deputadospoliciais da 18ª legislatura da Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo, comparando-os aos discursos da chamada bancada da segurança, eleita pela primeira vez na 11ª legislatura. Realizou-se a pesquisa documental sobre as proposições legislativas, sessões e frentes parlamentares mediante a análise do discurso com base no instrumental analítico foucaultiano. Observou-se uma trajetória de continuidade entre os grupos em que a matriz da guerra estende-se para além dos objetos clássicos do penal e do trabalho policial, tornando-se um organizador de mundo pelo qual se definem as fronteiras entre o bem, a legitimidade, a ordem e suas respectivas oposições. O principal desdobramento observado é a maneira como os deputados da 18ª legislatura mobilizam um discurso gerencialista da cidade que se mostra estratégico para o discurso do populismo penal, em que o princípio de tolerância zero é agenciado sobre toda sorte de comportamentos, figuras e atividades presentes nos espaços de grande circulação de pessoas e mercadorias. Conclui-se que a estruturação desses grupos se realiza discursivamente e politicamente, não apenas em relação à identidade policial, pautas corporativas e bandeiras securitizadoras, mas também na forma como esses elementos geram identificação, conferem legitimidade, se combinam e atualizam sensibilidades e representações enraizadas socialmente. Esses elementos acrescem discursos sobre o fenômeno da punição, que, por sua vez, fala à sociedade muito mais do que em termos de crime e castigo: canaliza ansiedades e insatisfações, produz solidariedade, organiza o mundo conforme diferentes territórios morais. Assim, os discursos mobilizados por bancadas da bala possibilitam comunicações com públicos e grupos políticos diversos, reorganizando conservadorismos nos campos político e de controle do crime. / The expression bullet caucus describes supra-party organized groups of legislators composed mostly of former members of police and military forces, whose agenda is built around public security issues. Its members are associated with an authoritarian and repressive vision of social control, as with the interests of the arms industry, and constant tension over human rights policies. The media portrays the success and political articulation of candidates in this profile as an expression of a conservative rise in the Brazilian political and social scene. However, the emergence of these groups is not a recent phenomenon, especially for the São Paulo legislature, which since 1987 has had groups of police-officer-congressmen in favor of hard-hitting policies. We sought to understand the constitution of these groups, based on authors of Sociology of Punishment who identify similar reconfigurations in the field of crime control in most contemporary democracies (such as contradictory and ambivalent containment policies, changes in official discourses on crime towards criminal populism, growing feelings of insecurity, and their instrumentalization by the political and electoral spheres). We investigated how these issues appear in speeches of police-officercongressmen of the 18th legislature of the Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, comparing them to speeches of the so-called security caucus, elected for the first time in the 11th legislature. Documentary research on legislative propositions, legislative sessions, and congressional fronts was carried out using discourse analysis, based on Foucaultian analytical instruments. Continuity has been observed between the two groups, to which the image of war reaches far beyond the classic subjects of criminal law and law enforcement, becoming a world organizer that defines the boundaries between good, legitimacy, order, and their respective oppositions. The main development observed was the way in which congressmen of the 18th São Paulo state legislature resort to a managerial discourse about the city, strategically favoring tendencies of penal populism, which enforces principles of zero tolerance over all sorts of behaviors, figures and activities found in massive people and goods circulation areas. We concluded that the structuring of these groups takes place discursively and politically, referring to police identity, corporate topics and public security causes, and enabling these elements to generate identification, confer legitimacy, and combine and update firmly rooted social sensitivities and representations. These elements add discourses on the phenomenon of punishment, which, in turn, speaks to society much more than in terms of crime and punishment: it channels anxieties and dissatisfaction, produces solidarity, and organizes the world according to different moral territories. The discourses mobilized by bullet caucuses communicate with distinct publics and political groups, reorganizing conservatism in the political and crime control fields.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-15T12:25:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliezer Pereira Martins.pdf: 1169765 bytes, checksum: 4a2c1326ce696daec14555b67969c712 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-15T12:25:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliezer Pereira Martins.pdf: 1169765 bytes, checksum: 4a2c1326ce696daec14555b67969c712 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-06 / Life in the barracks is dictated by a multiplicity of normative commands that organic scan the behavior of the individual-military", particularly when it comes to functional routinization done by the military police. This is a process of interna corporis socialization that acts inside of the dynamics formation of military and police identity, and represents a traditional symbolic capital of institutional power of the military apparatus of the State. In fact, mark symbolically the individuals subject to the police culture, using specific features of "total institution" to the police rows. Thus, the profile of the identity of the military's civilian is gradually the mortification of mechanisms of the "I" conjured up by an instrumental logic of an axiological military discipline hermetically “closed” and distanced, from the point of view of politics, and the values of democracy, republic, and humanities. Given this, here it is claimed that the military "disciplines", in turn, establishes a general system of control and docilization of military conducts closely linked to the Panopticon system, which ensures an efficient and exemplary punishment of acts considered as deviants of military standards. Given this, here it is tried to identify that the hipercodification of the law system of the military police of São Paulo state, in Brazil, was inspired by the speech of the "military-moral". It constitutes the “I” mortification technique by docilization of the military bodies and the disciplinary panoptism. Finally, it is demonstrated here the need to reduce the field of completeness and disciplinary strategies of the legal system of the military police of São Paulo, which leads to the creation of a model of discipline aesthetically military aligned to the interests of society, justice system and the establishment of the fundamental rights of the military police. This kind of discipline needs to be aligned to the construction of a police identity in tune with humanistic values, what marks the originality of the thesis sustained in this work, marked mostly by philosophical musings of Michel Foucault / A vida na caserna é ditada por uma multiplicidade orgânica de comandos normativos que esquadrinham o comportamento do “indivíduo-militar”, particularmente no que toca à rotinização funcional exercida pelos policiais militares. Trata-se de um processo de socialização interna corporis que atua na dinâmica formativa da identidade policial militar e representa tradicionalmente um notável capital simbólico de poder institucional dos aparelhos militares do Estado brasileiro. Com efeito, marcam-se simbolicamente os indivíduos sujeitos à cultura policial, empregando-se caraterísticas próprias de “instituição total” às fileiras policiais. Assim, o perfil da identidade civil do militar é submetido gradualmente a mecanismos de mortificação do “eu” engendrados por uma lógica instrumental axiológica de disciplina militar hermeticamente “fechada” e distanciada, sob o ponto de vista político, de valores democráticos, republicanos e humanísticos. Diante disso, sustenta-se que as “disciplinas” militares, por sua vez, instauram um regime geral de controle e docilização das condutas militares intimamente ligadas ao sistema panóptico de vigilância, o que garante uma exemplar e eficiente punição de atos considerados desviantes dos padrões militares, inclusive. Diante disso, identifica-se que a hipercodificação do ordenamento jurídico disciplinar dos policiais militares do Estado de São Paulo, inspirada no discurso da “moral-militar”, constitui técnica de mortificação do “eu”, de docilização dos corpos militares e do panoptismo disciplinar. Por fim, demonstra-se a necessidade de redução do campo de estratégias totalizantes e disciplinares do ordenamento jurídico da policial militar paulista, o que leva à criação de um modelo de disciplina esteticamente militar que se alinhe aos interesses da sociedade, ao sistema de justiça e à efetivação dos direitos fundamentais do policial militar e à construção de uma identidade policial afinada com os valores humanísticos, o que marca o ineditismo da Tese sustentada neste trabalho, balizada, principalmente, pelas reflexões filosóficas de Michel Foucault

O termo bancada da bala descreve as bancadas suprapartidárias do Legislativo compostas majoritariamente por egressos das forças de segurança, cuja agenda se organiza em torno de temas da segurança pública. Seus membros são associados a uma visão autoritária e repressiva de controle social, aos interesses da indústria armamentista e a uma tensão constante com a política de Direitos Humanos. O sucesso e a articulação política de candidatos com esse perfil são retratados midiaticamente como expressão de uma onda conservadora no cenário político e social brasileiro. No entanto, a estruturação desses grupos não é um fenômeno recente, principalmente para o legislativo paulista que, desde 1987, apresenta grupos de deputados-policiais favoráveis a políticas de mano dura. Buscou-se compreender a estruturação desses grupos, com base em autores da Sociologia da Punição que identificam reconfigurações semelhantes no campo de controle do crime na maioria das democracias contemporâneas (como políticas de contenção contraditórias e ambivalentes, transformações nos discursos oficiais em relação ao crime no sentido de um populismo penal, crescimento dos sentimentos de insegurança e sua instrumentalização pela esfera política e eleitoreira). Investigou-se como essas questões se organizam nos discursos de deputadospoliciais da 18ª legislatura da Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo, comparando-os aos discursos da chamada bancada da segurança, eleita pela primeira vez na 11ª legislatura. Realizou-se a pesquisa documental sobre as proposições legislativas, sessões e frentes parlamentares mediante a análise do discurso com base no instrumental analítico foucaultiano. Observou-se uma trajetória de continuidade entre os grupos em que a matriz da guerra estende-se para além dos objetos clássicos do penal e do trabalho policial, tornando-se um organizador de mundo pelo qual se definem as fronteiras entre o bem, a legitimidade, a ordem e suas respectivas oposições. O principal desdobramento observado é a maneira como os deputados da 18ª legislatura mobilizam um discurso gerencialista da cidade que se mostra estratégico para o discurso do populismo penal, em que o princípio de tolerância zero é agenciado sobre toda sorte de comportamentos, figuras e atividades presentes nos espaços de grande circulação de pessoas e mercadorias. Conclui-se que a estruturação desses grupos se realiza discursivamente e politicamente, não apenas em relação à identidade policial, pautas corporativas e bandeiras securitizadoras, mas também na forma como esses elementos geram identificação, conferem legitimidade, se combinam e atualizam sensibilidades e representações enraizadas socialmente. Esses elementos acrescem discursos sobre o fenômeno da punição, que, por sua vez, fala à sociedade muito mais do que em termos de crime e castigo: canaliza ansiedades e insatisfações, produz solidariedade, organiza o mundo conforme diferentes territórios morais. Assim, os discursos mobilizados por bancadas da bala possibilitam comunicações com públicos e grupos políticos diversos, reorganizando conservadorismos nos campos político e de controle do crime. / The expression bullet caucus describes supra-party organized groups of legislators composed mostly of former members of police and military forces, whose agenda is built around public security issues. Its members are associated with an authoritarian and repressive vision of social control, as with the interests of the arms industry, and constant tension over human rights policies. The media portrays the success and political articulation of candidates in this profile as an expression of a conservative rise in the Brazilian political and social scene. However, the emergence of these groups is not a recent phenomenon, especially for the São Paulo legislature, which since 1987 has had groups of police-officer-congressmen in favor of hard-hitting policies. We sought to understand the constitution of these groups, based on authors of Sociology of Punishment who identify similar reconfigurations in the field of crime control in most contemporary democracies (such as contradictory and ambivalent containment policies, changes in official discourses on crime towards criminal populism, growing feelings of insecurity, and their instrumentalization by the political and electoral spheres). We investigated how these issues appear in speeches of police-officercongressmen of the 18th legislature of the Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, comparing them to speeches of the so-called security caucus, elected for the first time in the 11th legislature. Documentary research on legislative propositions, legislative sessions, and congressional fronts was carried out using discourse analysis, based on Foucaultian analytical instruments. Continuity has been observed between the two groups, to which the image of war reaches far beyond the classic subjects of criminal law and law enforcement, becoming a world organizer that defines the boundaries between good, legitimacy, order, and their respective oppositions. The main development observed was the way in which congressmen of the 18th São Paulo state legislature resort to a managerial discourse about the city, strategically favoring tendencies of penal populism, which enforces principles of zero tolerance over all sorts of behaviors, figures and activities found in massive people and goods circulation areas. We concluded that the structuring of these groups takes place discursively and politically, referring to police identity, corporate topics and public security causes, and enabling these elements to generate identification, confer legitimacy, and combine and update firmly rooted social sensitivities and representations. These elements add discourses on the phenomenon of punishment, which, in turn, speaks to society much more than in terms of crime and punishment: it channels anxieties and dissatisfaction, produces solidarity, and organizes the world according to different moral territories. The discourses mobilized by bullet caucuses communicate with distinct publics and political groups, reorganizing conservatism in the political and crime control fields.

La garde républicaine, entre 1871 et 1914, corps de gendarmerie atypique, constitue une unité militaire mixte, regroupant des formations à cheval et d’autres à pied, dont le service essentiel est municipal. Les objectifs de cette thèse sont de préciser sa filiation avec les unités qui l’ont précédée, de définir ses spécificités en terme d’organisation, de fonctionnement et d’infrastructures, de décrypter et de disséquer son service intérieur et municipal afin de le confronter à celui des autres régiments de l’armée et légions de gendarmerie, de situer la place de ces « gardiens de la cité » au sein de la gendarmerie de l’époque et de la comparer à celle tenue par notre actuelle garde républicaine.En trois parties, cette thèse détaille successivement :- les composantes de la garde, infanterie et cavalerie, son organisation régimentaire et son administration, ses différents rouages et sa composition, son recrutement, sa symbolique et ses uniformes ;- sa vie quotidienne, sa formation militaire et municipale, ses casernes, sa discipline ;- la police de la voie publique à Paris et les forces qui l’assurent, l’influence du préfet de police sur la garde, ses différents services, son utilisation au maintien et au rétablissement de l’ordre.L’hypothèse de travail est de constater à quel point la garde républicaine de la Belle Époque diffère de l’actuelle garde, si proche d’elle par ses silhouettes, ses représentations, ses traditions, son implantation, si éloignée par son unique vocation de garde présidentielle, protectrice des institutions de la République. / The Republican Guard, between 1871 and 1914, an atypical unit of the French Gendarmerie (military police), is comprised of joint military forces, combining horseback and foot patrols, which is mainly on duty in the city of Paris. The goals of this thesis are to specify its connection to the previously existing units, describe its specific character in terms of organization, operations and infrastructures, to decipher and dissect its domestic and municipal service in order to compare it with that of other French military regiments and Gendarmerie legions, to define the role of these “guardians of the city” within the Gendarmerie of this period and compare it with that of our current Republican Guard.Divided into three parts, this thesis consecutively examines :- the components of the Guard’s infantry and cavalry, its regimental organization and administration, its various inner mechanisms and composition, its recruitment, symbolism and uniforms;- its daily life, military and municipal training, barracks and discipline;- the public roadway police in Paris and the forces which ensure it, the influence of police headquarters on the Guard, its role in maintaining and reestablishing order.The working hypothesis is to show how different the Republican Guard of the Belle Epoque is compared to the current Guard, so similar to it in its shape, performances, traditions, and establishment, so far-removed in its sole purpose of presidential guard, guardian of the French Republic’s establishments.

Thesis (M. A. (Criminology and Criminal Justice)) -- University of Limpopo, 2018 / Vigilantism is a contentious issue that will persist into the future for as long as crime exists. This research aimed at determining community’s perception on vigilantism. The Criminal Justice System has failed community of Matome Village, in the sense that they lost trust and lacked confidence in CJS. Actions involved in vigilantism are not only an expression of people’s anger or frustration but also of their fear. This study adopted both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Probability sampling (Stratified sampling) was used to select participants. For qualitative approach an interview schedule with prearranged questions was conducted and used in both focus group1 and 2 interviews. Focus group 1 consisted of 10 participants, while focus group 2 consisted of 8 participants. For quantitative approach, 80 questionnaires with close-ended and open-ended questions were distributed among community members who took part in the study, and the aim was to get their opinions and experience of vigilantism. The data collected was analysed (thematic content analysis was used) and interpreted by copying exactly words that were said by the participants. The study documented the disadvantages and consequences of vigilantism to fill in the existing gaps of the dangers of vigilante incidents in the literature. Strain theory by Robert Agnew was applied as the suitable theory which best explains why people resort to partake in vigilantism. The research identified factors which contributed mostly to vigilantism, such as: a way of protection and desire for revenge (anger and frustration). KEY WORDS: Vigilantism, Crime, Culprit, Strain, Community participation, Matome Village, Criminal Justice System, Police Officers.

Although many research studies about sexual offender registration exist, there is no qualitative study on the perspective of police officers whose job duties include the implementation of Sex Offender Registration and Notification (SORN) laws. The purpose of this case study was to explore specific police officers' perceptions of sex offender registration. Six police officers were hand selected for face-to-face interviews based on their unique job duties that included responsibilities and training related to the implementation of the sexual offender registration and community notification protocols. Festinger's cognitive dissonance theory provided the theoretical framework for this research study. According to study findings, the majority of the police officers in this study supported sexual offender registration despite the lack of research that supports its effectiveness. Data gathered from conducting face-to face interviews with the identified police officers revealed that 5 out of 6 police officers believed that SORN policies had a positive impact on enhancing community safety, and half of the police officers felt that SORN policies reduced recidivism. All of the police officers in the study called for more formal training and education about SORN. Also, these police officers identified money and human power as barriers to proactive efforts or effective management of the sexual offenders who lived in their jurisdiction. Finally, the police officers in this study suggested the use of specialized officers or the creation of a task force as a method to better address the sexual offenders in the community. Exploring these options could have far-reaching implications for positive social change for the law enforcement community and society as a whole.

There is a lack of female police officer representation in police departments nationwide. Women's position, or lack thereof, in law enforcement is a topic of discussion in many police literature reviews. However, there were minimal studies detailing female police officers' personal experiences in the law enforcement profession. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to describe and understand the perceptions and lived experiences of female police officers, as well as the impact those experiences had on their careers. Female participants from 3 police departments formed the purposive sample that included 8 full-time female police officers. The feminist theory helped to clarify the constructed meanings the women attached to their experiences. In-depth interviews were conducted, and the data analysis was guided by the Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method. The findings revealed that all of the women pursued law enforcement careers and remained in the profession for reasons similar to what they perceived to be the reasons among the male police officers in their respective departments. The participants also suggested that the perceived intentional institutional barriers did not impact the female police officers' job satisfaction. This study contributes to social change by raising awareness about the current status, concerns, and accomplishments of women in law enforcement. Additionally, findings may assist police administrators and legislators in creating policies and procedures that incorporate the needs of female officers.