Na capital paulista, desde fevereiro de 2015, uma pessoa presa em flagrante deve ser levada, em até 24 horas, a uma audiência de custódia, em que o juiz decidirá se ela permanecerá presa ou terá direito à liberdade provisória durante o processo penal que poderá ser instaurado. Com o objetivo de reduzir o excessivo número de prisões provisórias e permitir a identificação de casos de abuso policial, essas audiências foram criadas pelo Provimento Conjunto nº 03/2015 do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. A partir de uma pesquisa etnográfica, que contou com a observação de 692 pessoas apresentadas em audiências de custódia, entre fevereiro e dezembro de 2015, reflito sobre as percepções morais que os profissionais do sistema de justiça criminal, atuantes em tais audiências, expressaram a respeito de as pessoas custodiadas poderem ter sofrido violência policial. Através do que chamei de mecanismos de silenciamento, discuto como uma nova fase pré-processual, criada para a apuração de maus tratos policiais cometidos durante prisões em flagrante, pode submeter pessoas presas a experiências de humilhação. Também analiso de que forma o conceito de vítima é disputado, uma vez que a pessoa custodiada, ao mesmo tempo que é apresentada como autora de um ou mais delitos, também pode ter sofrido violações de direitos. / In the capital of São Paulo, since February 2015, a person arrested must be taken within 24 hours to a custody hearing in which the judge will decide whether he will remain in custody or will be entitled to provisional release during criminal proceedings that may be established. With the objective of reducing the excessive number of provisional imprisonment and allowing the identification of cases of police abuse, these hearings were created by Joint Appeal No. 03/2015 of the Court of Justice of São Paulo. Based on an ethnographic research of 692 people brought to custody hearings between February and December 2015, I reflect on the moral perceptions that practitioners of the criminal justice system, acting in such hearings, have expressed about whether the persons in custody may have suffered police violence. Through what I have called silencing mechanisms, I discuss how a new pre-procedural phase, created for the detection of police mistreatment committed during flagrant prisons, can subject people to experiences of humiliation. I also analyze how the concept of victim is disputed, since the person in custody, while being presented as the perpetrator of one or more crimes, also may have suffered violations of rights.

The aim of the present research is to investigate three factors, namely perceptions of fairness in intergroup situations, ingroup identification and spatial dimensions that are assumed to contribute to why individuals participate in violence against the police in soccer stadiums. In Study 1 perceptions of fairness, identification and spatial perspective were manipulated and the results indicated a significant interaction effect between identification and spatial perspective. This interaction effect had a significant influence on negative behavioural tendencies towards police. In Study 2, identification and spatial perspective were manipulated and once again the interaction effect between identification and spatial perspective was found. A main effect of identification was found in that participants who identified lower with fans showed significantly more positive attitudes towards police. The results of the two studies highlight the importance of looking beyond the inherent nature of the crowd itself when analysing situations of police/fan conflict, and also the need to further investigate the spatial dimension and how it influences social judgment and decision making.

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Police officers who maintain negative or traumatic information in long-term memory are vulnerable to mental illness, unstable emotional and behavioral responses, interpersonal problems, and impaired social relationships. The cognitive theory suggests that police officers externalize various negative or maladaptive behaviors as a result of frequent exposure to traumatic events. Researchers have found that police officers tend to either not seek mental health treatment, try to fix their own mental health problem, or if in treatment will not be forthcoming with internalized thoughts of psychological distress. The intention of this research was to examine the relationship between police officers' frequent exposure to violence and traumatic events/images and its effect on the long-term mental health issues and significant decreases in cognitive empathy or human compassion within police officers. This quantitative study used a simple linear regression, descriptive analysis, correlational matrix to analyze the data gathered from assessment packets containing a Trauma Symptom Inventory-2A, Paulhus Deception Scale, JHU Project Shields Questionnaire, and a Compassion Scale. Assessment packets were distributed during roll calls to active male and female Norfolk Police Officers assigned to the Patrol Divisions, Detective Division, and Vice/Narcotic Division. A priori power analysis revealed 65 participants were needed to have a valid sample. There were 66 completed assessment packets collected from the researcher's secure drop boxes. The findings were statistically significant suggesting a need for continued research. To effect positive social change, mental health workers and police organizations will use this data to assist in policy construction and mental health training.

Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Camila Caldeira Nunes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A questão norteadora dessa pesquisa é compreender as formas de resistências contemporâneas às violências protagonizadas pela Polícia Militar do estado de São Paulo (PMESP), através da atuação de alguns "coletivos". Ao longo do presente trabalho será exposta a formação, tipos de atuação e as dinâmicas de coletivos que têm como pauta a violência policial. Considerados como potências insurgentes, apresentam particularidades e similaridades entre si ao expressarem seus tipos de resistências. Entre as variadas metodologias, os discursos, os tipos organizacionais, as possíveis conexões entre pares e a relação que estabelecem com o Estado ¿ ou a sua negação ¿, busca-se refletir sobre as limitações, assim como, as possibilidades de contestação no que tange ao modelo policial e suas práticas abusivas que atendem ao desejo de controle do Estado. / The guiding question of this research is understanding the forms of contemporaries resistance to the violence carried out by the Military Police of the state of São Paulo (PMESP), through the performance of some "collectives". Throughout the present work will be exposed the formation, types of action and the dynamics of collectives that have the police violence as a theme. Considered as insurgent powers, they present particularities and similarities among themselves when expressing the different kinds of resistance. Among several methodologies, speeches, organizational types, the possible connections between pairs and the relationship that they establish with the state - or its negation -, it is sought to reflect the limitations, as well as possibilities of contestation in regards to the police model and its abusive practices that meet the desire of control of the State.

abstract: LGBTQI people are often victimized by law enforcement and these victimizations often are related to victimizations of domestic violence and hate violence. Because reporting a victimization to the police leads to contact with police, a part of the research question involved herein looked at whether or not reporting a victimization to the police also increases the rate of police violence. Through secondary data analysis, this study investigated the correlation between reporting domestic violence and hate violence to the police, and subsequent victimizations by the police in the form of police violence. Additionally through secondary data analysis, this study investigated whether or not this correlation is stronger with transgender women and people of color. All data analyzed in this study was collected in Tucson, Arizona through the Wingspan Anti-Violence Project (WAVP). All data was analyzed with the permission of the data owner, the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP) (see Appendix IV), and with IRB approval from the Arizona State University Office of Research Integrity and Assurance (see Appendix III). The findings demonstrated a positive correlation between the rate of LGBTQI people reporting violent crimes to the police and the rate of police violence against LGBTQI survivors of domestic violence and hate violence. The results further demonstrated the rate of police violence associated with reporting domestic violence or hate violence is greatest for transgender women and people of color. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Work 2016

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2001875 bytes, checksum: 6f2de208f59a6fb8eb31b2e7218ef13b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work aims firstly to pursue an interpretative analysis about instances of racism inflicted upon blacks by the Military Police. Although, there was an almost complete lack of data concerning the theme proposed here, a new strategy was developed to try and explain why these instances of racial discrimination were never reported and why data was neither collected by the Police and the Justice department nor included in arresting reports. Secondly, it reexamines the role of the Military Police in order to free it from outdated practices and to transform it into an institution that defends citizenship according to the Illuminist principles of human rights, without giving way to overtly ideological utopias. The need to recognize racism as a social issue goes far beyond the role of the Police. Nonetheless, an Institution that represents a Democratic State and its rights should not use such practices. / O presente trabalho de dissertação pretende construir uma análise interpretativa, acerca das relações racistas infligidas pela Polícia Militar contra os negros. Embora os estudos esbarrassem na ausência quase total dos dados sobre a temática proposta, outra estratégia foi adotada para explicar este fenômeno social, passando a estudar por que estes elementos não eram relatados, e muito menos quantificados em delegacias, relatórios de apreensão e Secretaria de Segurança. Outro empenho realizado diz respeito à forma de se pensar a Polícia Militar, livre dos antigos vícios e aplicadora de uma defesa cidadã pautada nos princípios iluministas dos direitos humanos, sem cair nas ideologias exageradamente utópicas. O reconhecimento do racismo como problema social está para além da Polícia e, evidentemente, uma instituição que representa o Estado Democrático de Direito não deve apresentar tais práticas.

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This research examines the political implications of community-police relations in the United States by exploring the link between race, perceptions of police performance, and trust in government. Relying on survey data, I examine these relationships for Blacks, Latinos, Asians, and Whites. In addition to examining the broader relationship between community-police relations and institutional trust, this dissertation examines (1) how police perceptions influence individuals' comfort in contacting the police, (2) how police violence and police perceptions influence trust in government, and (3) the effectiveness of community-oriented policing in building community-police relations and increasing trust in government. First, I find that these relationships are conditional on race and ethnicity. Black respondents, who are more likely to experience negative interactions with the police and who are less likely to have positive perceptions of the police, are less comfortable contacting them. Second, while police violence does not have a significant effect on public trust in government, police perceptions and perceptions of discrimination do. Respondents that perceive the police to be performing well and who do not believe their own racial group is being discriminated against, are more likely to express trust in government. Finally, I find that community-oriented policing has the potential to both improve perceptions of the police and increase trust in government. The central goal of this dissertation is to highlight the role that community-police relations have in influencing American politics and to emphasize the importance of exploring potential solutions to declining trust in the police.