Esta dissertação baseia-se em observações etnográficas e em entrevistas realizadas entre 2016 e 2018, principalmente com policiais do Batalhão de Operações Especiais (Bope) de Macapá/ AP. O trabalho se voltou para a compreensão que eles têm de seu processo de formação e para a construção de um ethos bopeano. Foram analisadas as suas percepções a respeito do uso da força e do que entendem por violência policial, além de símbolos identificadores da corporação, como a farda preta e a caveira. Uma das principais conclusões é que a formação de um bopeano implica a construção de um Corpo-Arma coletivo a partir de Corpos-Armas individuais, sendo que, para a maioria deles, a violência policial ou excessos respondem ao amplo contexto de violência social em que se inserem. / This dissertation is based on ethnographic observations and interviews conducted between 2016 and 2018, mainly with police officers from the Special Operations Unit (Bope) of Macapá/AP, in the North of Brazil. The work has focused on the understanding these officers have of their training process and to the construction of a bopean ethos. Their perceptions regarding the use of force and what they understood as police violence were analyzed, as well as symbols that identify the corporation, such as the black uniform and the skull. One of the main conclusions is that the formation of a bopean implies the construction of a collective Body-Weapon that is a result of singular body-weapons and, for most of them, police violence or \"excessive force\" respond to the broad context of social violence in which they live in.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:18:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Divino de Jesus da Silva Rodrigues.pdf: 1547652 bytes, checksum: f67c1b5b8ac97ef53c1062338ac0ab77 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-13 / This research aimed to investigate police violence means and senses against poor young men between 18 and 29 years old, in Goiânia, Goias. Six young men, victims of police violence participated of this study, done between 2011 and 2013. It was developed a qualitative study, based on empirical and documental research as well as individual interviews with young men. Those instruments were used in order to foment the research theme. The investigation process was grounded in the Vigotski Social-historical theoretical assumptions, which are structured in the materialist historical-dialectical method.This theoretical method contribution was the premise, product, tool and support to this study sistematization because it was the base to analyse people s language about the means and senses of the police violence they had suffered.The results revealed stories of those yong men lives, which are defined by social exclusion and inequality. Those enlace in multiples forms of violence existent in society, result of the social and economic systems created by neoliberal policies.The reports revealed that violence against young, poor men has been banalized. It also showed that military police officers and State agents are not well prepared when they approach suspects. They use too much strengh and autority to interrogate people as well as other barbarities. Postures reflect ambiguity in the law as well as in decrees, declarations, conduct codes and conventions that deal specifically with human rights, because in practice they only exist to keep public order and protect State and higher classes heritage. The law goes from private to universal, excluding poor people rights.The analysis of what police violence meant to the young boys interviewed was the key to understand what police violence means for youth, in general. This investigation sought to extend the debate about police violence against poor young people in Goiás, and consequently broaden available data to investigate this kind of violence in Brasil. It will help social actors that work defending impoverished youth rights. This research also aims to cooperate with overcoming this tough reality by applying a security policy consistent with human rights and dignity and not excluding any social group. / A presente pesquisa teve como objeto de investigação os sentidos e significados da violência policial para jovens pobres, sexo masculino, da cidade de Goiânia - Goiás, na faixa etária entre 18 anos e 29 anos. Ao todo, participaram deste estudo 06 jovens, vítimas da violência policial entre os anos de 2011 e 2013. De caráter qualitativo, os procedimentos metodológicos de sua constituição foram alicerçados pela pesquisa empírica, por meio de entrevistas individuais, com os jovens e pela pesquisa documental, utilizada como meio de fomentar a temática deste presente estudo. O processo de investigação foi fundamentado pelos pressupostos teóricos da Psicologia Sócio-Histórica de Vigotski, que se estrutura pelo método materialista histórico-dialético. O aporte deste método foi premissa e produto, ferramenta e apoio na sistematização deste estudo, sendo a base para a análise da linguagem dos sujeitos, sobre os sentidos e os significados da violência policial sofrida. Os resultados revelaram histórias de vida dos jovens, marcadas pela exclusão e pela desigualdade social, que se entrelaçam nas múltiplas formas de violências presentes na sociedade, que reproduzem o sistema social e econômico das politicas neoliberais do Estado. Os relatos dos sentidos e significados da violência policial para os jovens, revelaram a banalização desta violência contra os jovens pobres, o despreparo de policiais militares, agentes do Estado, em abordagens, no uso abusivo da força e autoridade em interrogatórios, entre outras barbáries. Posturas que refletem as ambiguidades existentes nas leis, decretos, declarações, códigos de condutas, convenções, que tratam especificamente, dos direitos humanos de todos os cidadãos, mas, que na pratica, existem para manter a ordem pública e proteger o patrimônio do Estado e das classes sociais abastadas, uma vez que partem do particular para a universalização, colocando à margem desses direitos a população pobre. A análise dos sentidos e significados da violência para os jovens constituiu-se campo fecundo de produção do conhecimento e possibilitou apreender os elementos constitutivos da violência policial na visão dos jovens. Esta investigação buscou ampliar a reflexão sobre a violência policial contra os jovens pobres no Estado de Goiás e, consequentemente, ampliando o acervo acerca da investigação desta violência no país, como fomento aos atores sociais envolvidos com a causa da juventude empobrecida e com a luta pela garantia dos seus direitos. Esta produção quer colaborar com a superação dessa perversa realidade, a partir da aplicação de uma Política de Segurança condizente com os direitos humanos e com a dignidade das pessoas, sem a exclusão de classes sociais.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:21:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valterci Vieira.pdf: 3187812 bytes, checksum: f3a9119d2ebf495a5b96633b738ee366 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-20 / This essay investigates and seeks to understand the meanings given by the lower class families of six adolescents and youth regarding police violence. Its objective is to identify psychosocial mediations constructed and used to deal with this reality. In order to develop this investigation information was collected from accusations presented by the families and through the media which spoke of homicides, disappearances and physical aggressions practiced by the police, and cases were registered in the municipalities of Goiânia, Aparecida de Goiânia and Senador Canedo during the time period of 2003 to 2008. Semi-structured interviews were held with eight relatives, focusing on the life history of these relatives and of the victim, their situation of suffering and pain and themes related to the role and behavior of the institutions directly connected to police violence. Analysis of the categories speaks to the social and cultural dimensions related to institutional questions and objectives. Also it relates to questions regarding emotional, affective and individual experiences of the subjects. Police violence is frequently hidden by structural violence and maintained by mechanisms of domination and societal control. It is revealed in a powerful manner from the given meanings, which allows one to comprehend this form of contemporary violence. As thus stated, the psychosocial mediations reveal full intentionality of the subjects regarding their overcoming the situation of the suffered violence, making it clear how much they often have their basic rights as citizens ignored. The issue here is forms of extermination practiced by official discourse, as being an inevitable and even necessary action in the struggle against crime , especially in large urban centers, and most often practiced against adolescents and youth. / O presente trabalho investiga e compreende os sentidos produzidos por familiares de seis jovens e adolescentes de classes populares acerca da Violência Policial. Teve como objetivo identificar mediações psicossociais construídas e utilizadas para lidarem com essa realidade. Para desenvolver essa investigação, foram coletadas informações a partir de denúncias apresentadas por familiares e pela mídia, com respeito a homicídios, desaparecimentos e agressões físicas praticadas por policiais, e casos registrados nos municípios de Goiânia, Aparecida de Goiânia e Senador Canedo, no período de 2003 a 2008. Foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas com oito familiares, tendo por referência a sua história de vida e a da vitima, a sua situação de sofrimento e dor vivida e temas relacionados ao papel e atuação de instituições diretamente vinculadas à violência policial. A análise das categorias articula dimensões sociais e culturais quanto às questões institucionais e objetivas e às questões vinculadas às experiências emocionais, afetivas e individuais dos sujeitos. A violência policial é ocultada muitas vezes em sua forma estrutural e mantida por mecanismos de dominação e controle da sociedade. Mas foi revelada de maneira contundente a partir dos sentidos produzidos, que permitiram compreendê-la na contemporaneidade. Como se constatou, as mediações psicossociais construídas revelam a intencionalidade dos sujeitos quanto à superação da situação sofrida, explicitando o quanto são desprovidos de direitos básicos de cidadania. A violência policial é forma de extermínio que tem comparecido como prática defendida através de discursos oficiais ou como ação inevitável e mesmo necessária na luta contra a criminalidade , especialmente nos grandes centros urbanos, e impetrados, sobretudo, contra adolescentes e jovens.

A presente tese consiste em um estudo das representações sociais pelos jornais Jornal da Tarde, especificamente as matérias do jornalista Percival de Souza, O Estado de São Paulo e Folha de São Paulo sobre o Esquadrão da Morte da cidade de São Paulo, compreendendo o período de novembro de 1968 a dezembro de 1978. Tem como objetivo contribuir para o estudo histórico da imprensa e sua atuação no Brasil contemporâneo, na medida em que seus agentes possuem interesses e objetivos reais na construção e condução de uma interpretação coletiva da sociedade. Adotamos o conceito de representações sociais do historiador Roger Chartier, sendo que de acordo com este as representações sociais produzem práticas e estratégias, no intuito de legitimar um projeto reformador, em detrimento de outro. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas, tendo por objetivo ampliar a discussão em torno das fontes e recuperar um dado contexto que não pudemos apreender das reportagens analisadas, dando voz aos protagonistas da história. As entrevistas realizadas foram com o jornalista Percival de Souza, os Procuradores Dr. Hélio Pereira Bicudo e o Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques, que foram protagonistas nas investigações sobre as atividades do Esquadrão da Morte, e o Capitão Francisco Jesus da Paz. Por fim, a pesquisa constatou que se no início as matérias apontam para o surgimento do Esquadrão da Morte como um ato de vingança, aderindo às versões dos delegados e policiais, a partir de meados dos anos de 1970 os jornais assumem uma nova postura ao apresentar a incoerência das autoridades públicas do Poder Executivo do Estado de São Paulo, particularmente o ex-governador Roberto de Abreu Sodré e o ex-secretário de Segurança Pública Hely Lopes Meirelles, em continuarem negando a existência do Esquadrão da Morte, além de destacarem o empenho da Justiça para punir os integrantes do Esquadrão da Morte. / This thesis is a study of the social representations presented in the articles published in the newspaper Jornal da Tarde (JT) - specifically the articles written by the journalist Percival de Souza -, and articles from O Estado de São Paulo (OESP) and Folha de São Paulo (FSP) on the Death Squad of Sao Paulo city, comprising the period from November 1968 to December 1978. It aims to contribute to the historical study of the press and its operation in contemporary Brazil, insofar as its agents have real interests and aims in the construction and in the conduction of a collective interpretation of society. We adopt the concept of social representations by the historian Roger Chartier, according to whom, the social representations produce practices and strategies, aiming to legitimize a reform project, to the detriment of others. In addition, we made interviews, aiming to broaden the discussion about the sources and to recover a certain context that we were not able to understand only by analyzing the articles. In doing this, we also gave voice by interviewing the protagonists of the story - the journalist Percival de Souza, and the attorneys Hélio Pereira Bicudo and Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques (who participated in the investigations on the activities of the Death Squad) - and the Captain Francisco Jesus da Paz. Finally, the research found out that, at the beginning, the articles presented the emergence of the Death Squad as a revenge act, accepting police officers and chiefs versions of the story. However, from the 1970s and forwards, the newspapers changed its perspective and showed the incoherence of the public authorities of the Executive Branch of the State of Sao Paulo, particularly regarding to the former governor Roberto de Abreu Sodré and to the former Secretary of Public Security Hely Lopes Meirelles, who insisted in denying the existence of the Death Squad, they also highlighted the work of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad. Besides, from the 1970s and forwards, these newspapers also highlighted the actions of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad.

Na capital paulista, desde fevereiro de 2015, uma pessoa presa em flagrante deve ser levada, em até 24 horas, a uma audiência de custódia, em que o juiz decidirá se ela permanecerá presa ou terá direito à liberdade provisória durante o processo penal que poderá ser instaurado. Com o objetivo de reduzir o excessivo número de prisões provisórias e permitir a identificação de casos de abuso policial, essas audiências foram criadas pelo Provimento Conjunto nº 03/2015 do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. A partir de uma pesquisa etnográfica, que contou com a observação de 692 pessoas apresentadas em audiências de custódia, entre fevereiro e dezembro de 2015, reflito sobre as percepções morais que os profissionais do sistema de justiça criminal, atuantes em tais audiências, expressaram a respeito de as pessoas custodiadas poderem ter sofrido violência policial. Através do que chamei de mecanismos de silenciamento, discuto como uma nova fase pré-processual, criada para a apuração de maus tratos policiais cometidos durante prisões em flagrante, pode submeter pessoas presas a experiências de humilhação. Também analiso de que forma o conceito de vítima é disputado, uma vez que a pessoa custodiada, ao mesmo tempo que é apresentada como autora de um ou mais delitos, também pode ter sofrido violações de direitos. / In the capital of São Paulo, since February 2015, a person arrested must be taken within 24 hours to a custody hearing in which the judge will decide whether he will remain in custody or will be entitled to provisional release during criminal proceedings that may be established. With the objective of reducing the excessive number of provisional imprisonment and allowing the identification of cases of police abuse, these hearings were created by Joint Appeal No. 03/2015 of the Court of Justice of São Paulo. Based on an ethnographic research of 692 people brought to custody hearings between February and December 2015, I reflect on the moral perceptions that practitioners of the criminal justice system, acting in such hearings, have expressed about whether the persons in custody may have suffered police violence. Through what I have called silencing mechanisms, I discuss how a new pre-procedural phase, created for the detection of police mistreatment committed during flagrant prisons, can subject people to experiences of humiliation. I also analyze how the concept of victim is disputed, since the person in custody, while being presented as the perpetrator of one or more crimes, also may have suffered violations of rights.

Black individuals have been disproportionately targeted by law enforcement, most notably in shooting deaths at the hands of police, and has contributed to a general distrust of law enforcement. A rise in citizen journalism has helped document excessive use of force by police on video; however, little is known how individuals respond to viewing this type of media. A history of race-based stress is likely to contribute to an expectation of racism and may impact how individuals respond to videos of the treatment of unarmed Black men at the hands of police, with some evidence suggesting ethnic identity may moderate this relationship. Additionally, stress has been previously associated with risky health behaviors and risk-taking more generally; however, little is known whether the response to race-related stressors is in line with past work and whether distress tolerance may moderate this relationship. This study sought to contribute to this literature by examining if racial differences exist in the stress response to a video of police fatally wounding an unarmed black man and if this response (1) was predicted by stigma-related stressors (discrimination, anticipatory racism); (2) was associated with risk-taking; and (3) was moderated by ethnic identity and distress tolerance. Results showed that White respondents evidence greater galvanic skin response than Black respondents; however, there were no other significant racial differences in heart rate variability, systolic blood pressure, or negative affect via facial electromyography in response to the video. The stress response did not predict risk-taking nor was distress tolerance a significant moderator of this relationship. Among Black respondents, stigma-related stressors did not predict the stress response. Levels of ethnic identity commitment marginally interacted with discrimination in predicting heart rate variability, such that individuals with greater levels of commitment evidenced lower heart rate variability as experiences of discrimination increased compared to those with lower levels of commitment. There were no other significant or marginally significant interactions of ethnic identity with stigma-related stressors in predicting the stress response. Stigma-related stressors did not predict risk-taking nor were there indirect effects through the stress response. Health implications and directions for future research are discussed.

Denna studie undersöker hur polisvåld och polisvåld i media tolkas av polisen själv. Studien genomfördes med metodvalet grundad teori, för att säkerhetsställa att fakta talar och att inte undersökarens åsikter påverkar utgången. Våldets tolkning blev kärnkategorin med åtta underkategorier. Data påvisade ett flertal problem gällande hur våldet tolkas och polisens problematik kring detta. Media har ett stort inflytande på polisen vilket påverkar hur allmänheten skapar sin bild av dem. Media och polisen har nytta av varandra i ett ömsesidigt utbyte av information och för att allmänheten inte ska bilda sig felaktiga uppfattningar. Det ges även kritik till media från polisen för hur media beskriver att polisen arbetar. Polisen har även en moralisk konflikt mot lagstiftarna gällande hur insatser ska hanteras, lagens tolkning är på många sätt hämmande för att minska våldet och istället ökar det. Poliser kan i det stadiet välja det som är bäst för sig själva eller tolka lagen rent bokstavligt. Konsekvent kan handlingen uppfattas som övervåld, medan lagen syftar på att ingripandet skett proportionerligt. Media publicerar denna nyhet till allmänheten och polisen kan stämplas av media att skydda de som är lagbrytare bland de sina. / This study investigates how police violence is interpreted by the Swedish own police force in the perspectives the media raises about it. The study was done with the methodological tool of grounded theory, to make sure the data is coming to light and not the researcher’s subjective perspectives. The interpreted violence became the main category together with eight minor categories. The data showed several problems how violence is interpreted and the troubles arise from the Swedish national police standpoint. The media influence how society creates its picture of the police. Media and police have to work towards a symbiosis for the greater good of the society and minimizing the risk of misinterpretations. The media has also been criticized by the police in the fashion they do their investigations and the lacking of subject of law the Swedish police must attain to while doing their work. The police are also caught in a moral dispute with the lawmakers; the subject of matter is how they dictate the police should work, while the police view is that violence increases with the lawmaker’s rules. The officers are then caught in a dilemma between doing what they seem right or following blindly the print in the book. The consequences are that actions are interpreted as overly done violence, something media are quick to raise questions about and to judging the police as protecting their own criminal behavior.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Droit--Nantes, 2006. / Bibliogr. p. 181-192.

abstract: In the United States, responsibility for public safety falls under the purview of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies. These agencies use a range of strategies to ensure public safety, relying primarily on surveillance, the police, the jail and prison system, and the courts to adjudicate wrongdoing. The United States’ over-reliance on incarceration as an all-encompassing solution to social problems, paired with persistent police violence that disproportionately results in the death of Indigenous, African American, and Latino/a people, has placed these public safety practices under intense scrutiny. There has been a plethora of research examining the crisis of mass incarceration in particular, and the racial, class, and gendered inequities plaguing the criminal justice system more broadly. Through the (Re)imagining Public Safety Project, I make two primary interventions in this larger body of work. First, this is an abolitionist project. In other words, I ask how people generate safety in their daily lives without relying on the police, or prisons, or criminalization. Second, in developing these alternatives, I center the perspective of people of color who have been directly impacted by racially discriminatory public safety practices. To do so, I designed a collaborative, mixed-method qualitative research project that uses participant-generated photo elicitation interviews, alongside participant observation to (re)imagine public safety. Participants in this project theorized what I am calling “insurgent safety” to describe an alternative practice of safety that is underwritten by what I term “a public ethic of care,” “counter-carceral communication,” and play. Insurgent safety is the presence of self-determination, interdependence, mutual aid, shared vulnerability, joy, and communion rather than walls, cages, and banishment. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Justice Studies 2015

A presente tese consiste em um estudo das representações sociais pelos jornais Jornal da Tarde, especificamente as matérias do jornalista Percival de Souza, O Estado de São Paulo e Folha de São Paulo sobre o Esquadrão da Morte da cidade de São Paulo, compreendendo o período de novembro de 1968 a dezembro de 1978. Tem como objetivo contribuir para o estudo histórico da imprensa e sua atuação no Brasil contemporâneo, na medida em que seus agentes possuem interesses e objetivos reais na construção e condução de uma interpretação coletiva da sociedade. Adotamos o conceito de representações sociais do historiador Roger Chartier, sendo que de acordo com este as representações sociais produzem práticas e estratégias, no intuito de legitimar um projeto reformador, em detrimento de outro. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas, tendo por objetivo ampliar a discussão em torno das fontes e recuperar um dado contexto que não pudemos apreender das reportagens analisadas, dando voz aos protagonistas da história. As entrevistas realizadas foram com o jornalista Percival de Souza, os Procuradores Dr. Hélio Pereira Bicudo e o Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques, que foram protagonistas nas investigações sobre as atividades do Esquadrão da Morte, e o Capitão Francisco Jesus da Paz. Por fim, a pesquisa constatou que se no início as matérias apontam para o surgimento do Esquadrão da Morte como um ato de vingança, aderindo às versões dos delegados e policiais, a partir de meados dos anos de 1970 os jornais assumem uma nova postura ao apresentar a incoerência das autoridades públicas do Poder Executivo do Estado de São Paulo, particularmente o ex-governador Roberto de Abreu Sodré e o ex-secretário de Segurança Pública Hely Lopes Meirelles, em continuarem negando a existência do Esquadrão da Morte, além de destacarem o empenho da Justiça para punir os integrantes do Esquadrão da Morte. / This thesis is a study of the social representations presented in the articles published in the newspaper Jornal da Tarde (JT) - specifically the articles written by the journalist Percival de Souza -, and articles from O Estado de São Paulo (OESP) and Folha de São Paulo (FSP) on the Death Squad of Sao Paulo city, comprising the period from November 1968 to December 1978. It aims to contribute to the historical study of the press and its operation in contemporary Brazil, insofar as its agents have real interests and aims in the construction and in the conduction of a collective interpretation of society. We adopt the concept of social representations by the historian Roger Chartier, according to whom, the social representations produce practices and strategies, aiming to legitimize a reform project, to the detriment of others. In addition, we made interviews, aiming to broaden the discussion about the sources and to recover a certain context that we were not able to understand only by analyzing the articles. In doing this, we also gave voice by interviewing the protagonists of the story - the journalist Percival de Souza, and the attorneys Hélio Pereira Bicudo and Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques (who participated in the investigations on the activities of the Death Squad) - and the Captain Francisco Jesus da Paz. Finally, the research found out that, at the beginning, the articles presented the emergence of the Death Squad as a revenge act, accepting police officers and chiefs versions of the story. However, from the 1970s and forwards, the newspapers changed its perspective and showed the incoherence of the public authorities of the Executive Branch of the State of Sao Paulo, particularly regarding to the former governor Roberto de Abreu Sodré and to the former Secretary of Public Security Hely Lopes Meirelles, who insisted in denying the existence of the Death Squad, they also highlighted the work of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad. Besides, from the 1970s and forwards, these newspapers also highlighted the actions of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad.