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Commentators at the time made great reference to the effect of the 1984/5 Miners' Strike upon those living in the mining communities, especially the women. As Goodman stated, "Arthur Scargill's claim that the strike 'politicized' people as had no previous postwar industrial event, was certainly correct.". In terms of the impact of the strike upon public opinion and electoral behaviour it is true that mining constituencies nationally did experience a significant surge in turn-out at the 1987 general election. To what extent was this symptomatic of the politicising effects of the 'Great Miners' Strike'? This thesis examines the extent to which the inhabitants of one mining community, Hemsworth in West Yorkshire, were or were not politicised as a direct result of the 1984/5 Miners' Strike. The research is based upon 60 indepth interviews, undertaken between 1989 and 1994, with a cross-section of the community. Whilst interest in the politicising effects has tailed off since the end of the strike the subject area remains important both because of the continued political importance of the future of the coalfields, as demonstrated following the October 1992 pit closure announcement, and for what it can tell us about how and why some people become politicised. This thesis analyses the extent to which politicisation and changes in public opinion took place in Hemsworth and the extent to which these can be iv attributed to the 1984/5 Strike. A tripartite definition of politicisation is employed: political awareness, political participation and behavioural changes. The roles played by the police and the media are stressed, as is the impact upon the women. The research suggests that the Strike was a significant politicising event, especially upon certain sectors of the community such as the women and those who participated in activities such as picketing. It had a profound effect upon both attitudes and behaviour. It also motivated people who claimed never to have had any interest in politics. To quote one commentator on the Miners' Strike, they were "Never the same again".

Law enforcement analysis is increasingly utilized by police organizations to help its warranted officials understand the public safety and security environment and make decisions about threats, harms and risks. While there is a well-developed practitioner literature and a number of evaluative studies about law enforcement analysis, there has been little empirical research into the day-to-day work practice of law enforcement analysis. This thesis utilizes participant observation and semi-structured interviews to construct an ethnography of the daily work practice of law enforcement analysis in three sites in the USA, Ireland and the UK. This empirical research at the intersection of the organizational structures and work cultures of both the law enforcement analytic units and the larger police organisation to which they belong helps explain not only how knowledge is created but also what knowledge and why. The thesis concludes that while law enforcement analysis produces valuable knowledge about current threats and harms and plays a role in organizational risk management, a variety of factors circumscribe the type of knowledge that is produced. The result is that the future is left largely unknown and that law enforcement analysts play a limited role in brokering organizational uncertainty about the public safety and security environment.

The events of September 11, 2001 marked a paradigm shift in the strategy within all levels of law enforcement in the United States. Intelligence became the watchword of the day and with it, the movement to incorporate strategic and tactical information in daily policing. Yet while the philosophy was clear, the method and manner to which agencies were left to achieve these goals was much less designed. The federal government allocated funds to assist help agencies incorporate an intelligence function in their daily operations but which agencies and to what degree remains unclear even today. This study seeks to determine the current state of use of intelligence in municipal law enforcement agencies in the State of Texas ten years after 9/11. Through use of a survey, it assesses the frequency of use of intelligence units in local police departments in the State of Texas, identifies commonalities in their structure, and determines the state of their effectiveness.

The criminalisation of seafarers has been observed as a growing phenomenon for more than thirty years, presenting a picture of increasing liability upon the Master even though their responsibilities remain essentially unchanged in generations of maritime law. Over the same period, the structure of the maritime environment in which they work has changed dramatically, as evidenced by the complex evolution of Fleet Ownership and Management and the resultant challenges in identifying the party liable in a potential action. Paradoxically, the person least able to influence such changes has been the Master, who has seen the key features of their traditional relationship with the ship operator blurring, as the structure of maritime operations has evolved with the demands of social and economic change. The effect of these changes has left the Master with diminishing management influence without losing responsibility. They remain Master Under God, but without God’s authority over the management of the ship’s affairs. Faced with an increasing amount of criminal prosecutions globally in recent decades, the shipping industry has met the phenomenon with growing dismay, the downstream consequence of which has raised questions challenging the proportionality and, indeed, the fairness, of criminal accountability, in what is perceived by the maritime community to be a disharmonised system worldwide. The purpose of this work is to examine the many facets of the mischief with which the phenomenon confronts the Master in their professional conduct, both in terms of Flag State and Port State obligations. But the purpose goes further than that, for upon this foundation we can then synthesise options for a solution. Ultimately, this thesis is all about the perception of justice in a globalised maritime community in the twenty first century – but the real challenge is to rationalise a new approach to criminalisation, which would meet the interests of justice both for the Master and the State. In the harsh reality of intractable disputes in the twenty first century, that new approach might mean a compromise, which may not be ideal for the Master or for the State, but would be something which both can live with.

This thesis explores the challenges posed to democratic legitimacy by current practices of EU counter-terrorism policing. It is concerned with the increasing amount of international cooperation between police and, to a lesser extent, intelligence actors in this field and analyses how far traditional mechanisms of accountability and oversight are keeping up with this development. For this purpose, the thesis develops a model of democratic legitimacy for the field of international counter-terrorism co-operation. The EU – like its Member States – understands itself to be based on principles of representative liberal democracy and the model follows roughly this idea by identifying parliamentary and judicial scrutiny as key instruments to ensure ‘democratic’ counter-terrorism actions and the protection of human rights. Drawing on the literature on security networks, it is proposed that current forms of counterterrorism policing under the EU’s umbrella should be understood as networks which are defined as sets of expert institutional nodes or individual agents from at least two countries that are interconnected in order to authorize and/or provide security with regard to counter-terrorism for the benefit of the network participants or external ‘clients’. The empirical focus of this thesis is on the European Police Office (Europol) which provides a key example in which to explore the emergence and current status quo of EU counter-terrorism policing. In addition, debates about the EUUS exchange of Passenger Name Record (PNR) data, the so-called Prüm arrangements concerning intensified counter-terrorism co-operation in the EU, the freezing of terrorist funds as well as European involvement in the CIA’s so-called extraordinary rendition campaign are interwoven into this discussion. The thesis concludes that the EU is an emerging counter-terrorism actor, but that – for the time being – its policies and actions are insufficiently subject to parliamentary and judicial scrutiny. Challenges arise, in particular, from the international nature of counter-terrorism networks, their loose structure, the variety of actors involved and the strengthened co-operation between police and intelligence authorities.