The incorporation of social and environmental objectives in water resources planning and management has been, and will continue to be, the result of several evolutionary processes. The most general of these processes is the evolution of rational-analytic thinking as a form of problem solving behavior. A second evolutionary process is the development of institutional and analytical procedures for making public decisions. The most specific process is the evolution of federal water resources planning procedures in the United States. These processes are examined, the changing institutional environment within which water resources planning and management occurs is characterized, and implications are drawn for future incorporation of social and environmental objectives.

Submitted by André Luiz Vieira Dias (andrelvdias@me.com) on 2018-11-23T20:12:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIAS, André - Tese - versão final.pdf: 5338157 bytes, checksum: e75f634b7129e1609759ed502d34cc53 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Milena Maria Rodrigues null (milena@fclar.unesp.br) on 2018-11-23T22:47:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dias_alv_dr_fclar.pdf: 5338157 bytes, checksum: e75f634b7129e1609759ed502d34cc53 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-23T22:47:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dias_alv_dr_fclar.pdf: 5338157 bytes, checksum: e75f634b7129e1609759ed502d34cc53 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objetivo deste trabalho foi testar e analisar o efeito da escolaridade sobre o engajamento cívico e político dos brasileiros no período de 2000 a 2016, destacando, sobretudo, as mudanças do comportamento dos mais escolarizados – se são os mais interessados, participativos e aderentes aos valores e atitudes democráticas. A partir dos dados obtidos pelo survey Latinobarômetro, foi adotada a função explanatória, e não apenas exploratória e descritiva aplicando as técnicas de análise quantitativa, no intuito de verificar o desempenho da influência da escolaridade – isolada e controlada por outras variáveis posicionais e socioeconômicas sobre as dimensões da proficiência cognitiva, engajamento e esclarecimento democrático. A análise quantitativa recorreu à aplicação dos modelos de regressão multinomial probit e logit, além de seus efeitos marginais, adequados à explicação da probabilidade normal de ocorrência de um determinado fenômeno. Neste sentido, a hipótese verificada foi a de que, diferente do efeito ocasionado sobre a cidadania nas democracias avançadas, fatores contextuais reduziram progressivamente a capacidade preditiva da escolaridade sobre a cognição, o engajamento e a adesão à democracia no Brasil. / The objective of this study was to test and analyze the effect of schooling on the civic and political engagement of Brazilians from 2000 to 2016, highlighting, above all, the behavioral changes of the more educated - if they are the most interested, participative and adherent to values and democratic attitudes. From the data obtained by the Latinobarómetro survey, the explanatory function was adopted, not only exploratory and descriptive, applying the techniques of quantitative analysis, in order to verify the performance of the influence of schooling - isolated and controlled by other positional and socioeconomic variables on the dimensions of cognitive proficiency, engagement, and democratic enlightenment. The quantitative analysis utilized the multinomial regression models probit and logit, in addition to their marginal effects, adequate to the explanation of the normal probability of occurrence of a certain phenomenon. In this sense, the hypothesis was accepted that, unlike the effect on citizenship in advanced democracies, contextual factors progressively reduced the predictive capacity of schooling over cognition, engagement and adherence to democracy in Brazil.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:07:51Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 lenardao_e_dr_arafcl.pdf: 3665415 bytes, checksum: 1ec26a74d6164a8defac4ef538e2d630 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Faz-se, aqui, uma investigação sobre as razões da presença de práticas políticas do tipo clientelista entre setores das classes populares, no Brasil contemporâneo, com destaque para os anos 1990. Propõe-se valorizar as razões inscritas na própria conjuntura sóciopolítica que circunda o fenômeno, de modo que se vá além das explicações que se fiam nos aspectos histórico-culturais ou de viés economicista, exclusivamente. Para este propósito, recorre-se a fontes bibliográficas e a periódicos, dos quais tirou-se uma interpretação própria sobre o período. Constatou-se que as práticas clientelistas receberam estímulos para se manifestarem na organização política nacional, principalmente, na esfera federal, mas com reflexos efetivos nos estados e municípios, do fato de a coalizão de forças políticas formada para a implantação do projeto neoliberal no Brasil ter juntado a moderna Social Democracia Brasileira e as velhas oligarquias regionais - situadas dentro do PFL, PP, PTB e setores do PMDB, principalmente -, cujos representantes são reconhecidos pelo apego às práticas de recorte patrimonialista e paternalista. / A survey is carried out on the reasons for the presence of political practices such as clientelism among sectors of popular classes in contemporary Brazil, with an emphasis on the 1990s. Our purpose is to value the reasons that are proper of the social-political situation that surrounds the phenomenon, in such a way that one can go beyond explanations, which are based exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or economy bias. In order to do so, some bibliographical sources and periodicals were used, from which a proper interpretation was taken about that period. It was observed that the clientelistic practices were stimulated to manifest themselves in the national political organization, mainly in the federal scope, but with effective reflections in the States and cities, due to the fact that, the coalition of political forces formed for the implementation of the neo-liberal project in Brazil, has joined the modern Brazilian Social Democracy and the old regional oligarchy - located mainly within the political parties PFL (Liberal Front Party), PP (Progressionist Party), PTB (Brazilian Labor Party) and sectors of PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party), whose representatives are well-known for their patrimonial and paternalist practices.

Orientador: José Flávio Bertero / Banca: Ângelo Del Vechio / Banca: José Antonio Segatto / Banca: Ruben Murilo Leão Rego / Banca: Pedro Roberto Ferreira / Resumo: Faz-se, aqui, uma investigação sobre as razões da presença de práticas políticas do tipo clientelista entre setores das classes populares, no Brasil contemporâneo, com destaque para os anos 1990. Propõe-se valorizar as razões inscritas na própria conjuntura sóciopolítica que circunda o fenômeno, de modo que se vá além das explicações que se fiam nos aspectos histórico-culturais ou de viés economicista, exclusivamente. Para este propósito, recorre-se a fontes bibliográficas e a periódicos, dos quais tirou-se uma interpretação própria sobre o período. Constatou-se que as práticas clientelistas receberam estímulos para se manifestarem na organização política nacional, principalmente, na esfera federal, mas com reflexos efetivos nos estados e municípios, do fato de a coalizão de forças políticas formada para a implantação do projeto neoliberal no Brasil ter juntado a moderna Social Democracia Brasileira e as velhas oligarquias regionais - situadas dentro do PFL, PP, PTB e setores do PMDB, principalmente -, cujos representantes são reconhecidos pelo apego às práticas de recorte patrimonialista e paternalista. / Abstract: A survey is carried out on the reasons for the presence of political practices such as clientelism among sectors of popular classes in contemporary Brazil, with an emphasis on the 1990s. Our purpose is to value the reasons that are proper of the social-political situation that surrounds the phenomenon, in such a way that one can go beyond explanations, which are based exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or economy bias. In order to do so, some bibliographical sources and periodicals were used, from which a proper interpretation was taken about that period. It was observed that the clientelistic practices were stimulated to manifest themselves in the national political organization, mainly in the federal scope, but with effective reflections in the States and cities, due to the fact that, the coalition of political forces formed for the implementation of the neo-liberal project in Brazil, has joined the "modern" Brazilian Social Democracy and the "old" regional oligarchy - located mainly within the political parties PFL (Liberal Front Party), PP (Progressionist Party), PTB (Brazilian Labor Party) and sectors of PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party), whose representatives are well-known for their patrimonial and paternalist practices. / Doutor

The objective of this research is to explore the influence of military service on political behaviors and attitudes. Existing studies of the military have long recognized the existence of a predominantly conservative political ideology with a resulting propensity for strong Republican Party support within the military community, but have failed to explain the likely causal mechanism for this. Drawing on multiple sources of data from the 2008 Presidential election cycle, I utilized a descriptive analysis of campaign contribution data and bivariate and multivariate analyses of data from the 2008 Military Times Survey and the 2008 American National Election Survey. Much of the data also permitted me to analyze the effect of an individual's service branch on their attitudes as well. I examined the behavior and attitudes of the military across several dimensions, including candidate support and positions on policies of particular relevance to the military, including the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. This analysis found that people who serve in the military tend to be conservative but in many ways their political attitudes are reflective of those of the general population. An individual's race, ethnicity and gender appear to have more influence than military factors, with the exception of service in the Marine Corps, on ideology, partisan identification and policy preferences.

No description available.

The first step towards developing targeted policies to boost political interest is to identify the main characteristics of individuals interested (and those who are not) in politics. This article aims at exploring the common factors shared by individuals with the same political interest. This is investigated through a cluster analysis, a rarely used technique in the field of political behavior, with data from the European Social Survey. The results are in line with the initial expectations and show that civic skills, represented by the educational background and the frequency of relational meetings, are determinants of political interest. Nonetheless, for those with the same civic skills, other socio-demographic, economic, and relational factors can diverge depending on the political interest. More in detail, the main attributes distinguishing individuals with the same level of civic skills but a different level of political interest are socio-demographic. In other words, among individuals with high civic skills, the main differences between those politically interested and those who are not are on the variables about age, gender and marital status. In addition, the research highlights the relevance of cluster analysis to obtain closer details on behavioral patterns than those obtained through regression analysis.

What are the relationships between strength of racial identification, anger, and the political behavior of white women? Building on the literature on white identity politics and anger in political behavior, I argue that white identity and anger have a conditional relationship that leads to changes in multiple aspects of white women's political behavior. This dissertation uses the 2016 American National Election Survey and the 2016 Comprehensive Multiracial Post-election Survey to explore these associations. The findings show that there is a relationship between white racial identity conditioned on anger or threat and the strength of white women's partisanship and their issue opinions. When there is no anger or threat measure included, the relationship with political participation is weaker than expected which supports the importance of anger and its predecessor threat in the political behavior of white women. Overall, this dissertation expands the areas of white political behavior that are associated with strength of racial identity and anger as well as finding these relationships specifically with white women.

Objective – Views surrounding COVID-19 are divided. The objective of this thesis is to investigate if views surrounding COVID-19 can be inferred based on college-level demographics. I explore the views of undergraduate students at the University of Central Florida. Methods – A link to the questionnaire created through Qualtrics was sent out to university leaders asking them to distribute it accordingly among their respective undergraduate populations. Students (N=149) responded to questions about issues related to COVID-19, college-level demographics, and political attitudes. The data was analyzed using both descriptive and inferential analysis. Results – Students still viewed COVID-19 as a serious issue (79%). (44%) were concerned about issues other than the direct health implications and (28%) viewed the public response as an overreaction. Seniors were more likely to say it is important to know others’ vaccination status. Those in the College of Engineering/Computer Science were most supportive of Trump’s handling of COVID-19 and viewed the pandemic as less serious. They were also less supportive of vaccine mandates and less likely to change their behavior than Arts and Humanities students. Only the CDC received majority support as a helpful source of information about COVID-19. Conclusions – Further research needs to be undertaken using a larger and more representative sample to better understand how college-level demographics interact with political behavior. The CDC should be the chief source of information regarding public health. And schools should address the different concerns students have about the pandemic while also making sure students who disagree with public health measures have avenues to express their opinion.

No description available.