[pt] O século XXI é o século das cidades. Atualmente, o processo de urbanização é um fenômeno acelerado e em escala planetária, com ritmos desiguais e caminhos diferentes, mas que conduzem a uma mesma realidade: a construção de um planeta de cidades. Apesar da progressiva concentração da população nas grandes urbes, a maior parte da população mundial mora em centros urbanos de porte médio e pequeno. Nesse universo de cidades, no contexto da globalização e o uso intensivo de informação e conhecimento em redes, sobressaem, as cidades intermédias. Entendidas não como pontos isolados na rede urbana, as cidades intermédias têm aparecido nos estudos recentes como importantes nós nas redes, exigindo uma análise que considere as relações entre a cidade e a região e entre as cidades de diferentes níveis hierárquicos, em forma de cidade-rede-região. A presença de cidades de importância regional de porte médio em áreas afetadas historicamente pelo conflito armado sugere que tais cidades devem exercer um rol significativo em seus respetivos espaços geográficos no período do pós-conflito. Desta forma, a partir de uma análise histórico-geográfica do desenvolvimento do conflito armado e fundamentada no conceito de cidade intermédia, a pesquisa pretende identificar aquelas cidades que apresentam o potencial de liderar essa nova fase de transição na procura de atingir o desenvolvimento sustentável das regiões. / [en] Urbanization is a global phenomenon and occurs on a planetary scale, with unequal rhythms and different paths, but leading to the same complex and diverse reality: the construction of a planet of cities. Nowadays, we see a process of urbanization that we can describe as global and accelerated, but it does not develop in a balanced and efficient way on the territory. The progressive concentration of the population in large urban agglomerations, the accelerated and sometimes uncontrolled growth of megacities are spatial effects of the current process and trends of urbanization. Nevertheless, the majority of the world urban population lives in small and medium-sized cities and forecasts indicate that these centers will continue to increase their population. In the last decades, it has been observed that in several Latin American countries, the settlement model is changing and there are areas of economic importance, where decades ago, they used to be entities without much population dynamism. Despite this, there are not many international or regional studies on the smaller cities in urban systems.

Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes. / The effectiveness of reconstruction programs in post-conflict contexts Abstract The thesis aims at assessing the effectiveness of reconstruction programs intended to ensure for the economic recovery of countries emerging from civil war since the end of the Cold War. From the standpoint of the method used, this effectiveness is both evaluated through the relevance of the content and the organization of these programs with regard to the characteristics of the post-conflict economies, and through an assessment of their performances according to recovery indicators which are specific to this context. The economic causes of conflicts and the functioning of a wartime economy are analyzed because they influence the transition to an economy in the context of peace (chapters 1 to 4). An approach in terms of political economy (Stewart, Fitzgerald) comparing both horizontal and vertical inequalities and completed by Amartya Sen's approach contributes to the account of the specific characteristics of this type of context which the neoclassical theory is not enabled to grasp. The approach in terms of sustainable livelihoods (Chambers and Conways), of the vulnerability due to the context and of the institutional economy, provides a coherent theoretical framework in order to identify the economic features of post-conflict societies (chapters 5 to 7) and enables for the identification of the factors which block or slow down the process of economic recovery. The study of the configuration of reconstruction programs reveals the multiplication of actors which have different approaches, a lack of coordination in their work, and the formation of a substitute administration non-aligned to the fragile state (chapter 8). Closer ties between the programs and the observed characteristics enable for the evaluation of their effectiveness (chapter 9). The quantitative evaluation arrives at the conclusion that these programs are relative failures, especially due to their sluggishness. From the data available, the significance of some specific variables is observed (the return of populations, institutions, security). The qualitative analysis of the causes of this ineffectiveness reveals: Perverse effects due to the lack of coordination, analyzed through the transaction costs theory, the contingence theory, and the marginalist theory, more particularly in the labor markets, the administrative capacity, reveals a threshold of institutional capacities; Poor adaptation in the design and the implementation of the programs to the observed characteristics. Between the references towards the Marshall Plan and the absence of any exterior intervention, the analysis of this ineffectiveness concludes that some requirements should be adapted for each context.

Following state-building campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, the UK has increasingly eschewed large-scale intervention in favour of local proxy forces. Whilst this strategy might appeal to the war-weary and cash strapped interventionist, frequent use of military capacity building as a tool of foreign policy inevitably raises questions about the accountability of those local forces being trained. This thesis examines the exportation of Western concepts of civil-military relations into the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF), carried out by the British-led International Military Advisory and Training Team (IMATT) during intervention and post-conflict stabilisation in Sierra Leone. It argues that external interventionists can reshape local military culture, to promote both democratic civil-military norms and professional military effectiveness, but only through extensive institutional change. In Sierra Leone, IMATT attempted to change the organisational culture of the RSLAF by reforming its institutional mechanisms for socialisation, training, education and promotion. By inculcating a new normative ethos in a cohort of junior RSLAF officers, IMATT sought to promulgate cultural change throughout the military via a structured process of intra-service competition and generational replacement. This novel blend of internal and external processes of military change challenges existing scholarship on military innovation and adaptation, advancing our understanding of the relationship between military culture, military change, and external intervention. However, this process of institutional redevelopment and cultural change in the RSLAF proved to be both heavily contested and deeply political, ultimately leading to partial results. Consequently, IMATT’s experience of RSLAF reform holds important implications for the study of civil-military relations and security sector reform, and with it, the conduct of contemporary military capacity building and liberal intervention.

Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure) / Transitional justice mechanisms have become commonplace as a tool for recovery for societies emerging from conflict and repressive regimes. The extent to which women's rights concerning development and long-term economic advancement in the arena of transitional justice is dealt with is almost negligible. The significance of including development as a means of protecting marginalised groups such as women has been mostly disregarded in the transitional justice context. Currently, the discourse on gender justice has placed civil and political rights as well as sexual crimes against women at the centre stage. Transitional justice mechanisms have failed to give effect to long-term sustainable and substantive change in women's lives following conflict and periods of repressive rule. The core aims of transitional justice are prosecution of offenders, reconciliation and reparations for the victims of gross human rights abuses. Reparations are usually used as a medium through which restitution and compensation for the harm suffered by victims are made possible. Reparations are also deemed as an essential element for the healing and recovery of the individual victim and the society affected by egregious human rights violations.

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court is a major landmark in the development of international accountability. Its preamble affirms “that the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished and that their effective prosecution must be ensured by taking measures at the national level and by enhancing international cooperation”. Thus the signatory states were “determined to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and thus to contribute to the prevention of such crimes”. The ICC contributes to the fight against impunity and the establishment of the rule of law by punishing violations of international legal norms. Accountability is important for the past and the future of societies. The ICC needs the support and cooperation of the states to effectively perform its mandate. So without ratification and implementation of the Rome Statute the ICC will not have jurisdiction over non-member states, unless referred by the UN Security Council. The Rome Statute does not only create the ICC but it also creates the national jurisdiction of its States Parties as these states have the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute Rome Statute crimes. With only five Arab states to date being State Parties to the Rome Statute, it is obvious that the region is underrepresented at the ICC. Despite their positive role played in the creation of the ICC, not ratifying the Rome Statute raises several questions, especially that the majority of states that voted against the Statute were from the Arab region. Ratifying and implementing the Rome Statute will strengthen the Arab states criminal justice system, enabling them to prosecute international crimes domestically and will deter any individual from committing them in the future, regardless his official position. It will also allow the Arab states to have the primary jurisdiction over international crimes and reinforces the entire judicial system. This research will examine the issue of ratification and implementation of the Rome Statute by the Arab states by analysing the reasons, challenges and obstacles of the Arab states for not becoming part of the international criminal justice system.

Scholars have in the recent decades actively been searching for answers for why actors of war sometimes choose - and other times choose not - to direct violence against civilians. However, their focus has been largely on one-sided violence during wartime, and much less on post-conflict occurrences. This study aims to fill this research gap by examine in what way wartime livels of casualties affect post-conflict levels of one-sided violence. A total of 164 conflict episodes and their post-conflict periods between 1989 and 2016 show that there is a significant positive correlation between wartime one-sided violence intensity and post-conflict one-sided violence intensity. A similar correlation is not found between battle-related deaths and post-conflict one-sided violence, although the result shows that rebel groups are more prone to direct violence against civilians after high levels of wartime battle-related deaths than after low levels.

The aim of this thesis is to provide theoretical evidence that a disaster risk reduction perspective within peacebuilding programmes, particularly in countries where disasters and conflict overlap, can contribute positively to the transformation of conflict into sustainable peace. An increasing number of disasters in fragile states and countries affected by armed conflict has brought the attention to know in which way disasters and conflicts collide when they come to occur in the same area, and how disasters can influence on-going peace processes. In order to demonstrate that argument the thesis draws the evolution of the disaster risk management models and peacebuilding frameworks along the last decades and make use of a comprehensive theoretical background to support the subsequent analysis. This thesis contributes to the academic literature and humanitarian reports of studies describing the relation between disasters and conflict but, more concretely, it aims to fill the gap in research studying the links between a disaster risk reduction strategy and peacebuilding programmes. The conclusions of the thesis are that disaster risk reduction initiatives contribute positively in several ways to the different key areas of peacebuilding programmes either as concrete initiatives or as a crosscutting issue. / El objeto de esta tesis es proporcionar sustento teórico a la idea de que una perspectiva de reducción de riesgos de desastre en el marco de programas de construcción de paz puede contribuir positivamente a transformar el conflicto en una paz sostenible, particularmente en países donde desastres naturales y conflicto confluyen. Un número creciente de desastres naturales que acontecen en estados frágiles o países afectados por conflicto armado atrae la atención de profesionales y académicos del ámbito humanitario con el fin de conocer mejor el modo en que conflicto y desastre natural se influyen mutuamente. Esta tesis describe la evolución en las últimas décadas de los modelos de gestión de riesgos de desastre y los marcos operacionales de construcción de paz, además, se sustenta en una amplia base teórica para llevar a cabo el análisis pertinente. La intención es contribuir modestamente a la literatura académica que se ocupa de estudiar la ayuda humanitaria, así como tratar de colaborar en encontrar posibles vínculos entre una estrategia de reducción de riesgos de desastre y los programas de construcción de paz. Las conclusiones de esta tesis indican que las iniciativas de reducción de riegos de desastre contribuyen positivamente en distintos aspectos de las áreas de trabajo de los programas de construcción de paz, ya sea como actividades concretas o como un eje transversal a todo el programa.

La question de l’Etat de droit se pose de plus en plus avec beaucoup d’acuité en Afrique en général et en Afrique de l’ouest en particulier. Le déficit observable d’Etat de droit dans certains pays de cette sous région, est une des causes fondamentales de situations de belligérance et de crise avec leurs conséquences dramatiques : violation des droits de l’homme, désinstitutionnalisation, refus d’alternance démocratique, impunité, pauvreté, insécurité etc.La Côte d’Ivoire, la Mauritanie, le Liberia et la Sierra Léone n’échappent pas à ce constat. Ces pays se caractérisent par des situations particulières au regard des crises qu’ils connaissent et ont connu, ainsi que par des enjeux communs dans la longue et difficile quête de l’établissement de l’Etat de droit.Ce processus, émaillé d’obstacles majeurs, donne naissance à une production normative réelle avec les interventions combinées des communautés sous régionales, panafricaine et internationale. Et pour autant, des « conflits de normativité » ne sont pas à exclure. D’où la nécessité d’envisager des perspectives d’harmonisation normative dans les dynamiques de gestion et de règlement des crises, en vue d’établir l’Etat de droit en Afrique de l’ouest. / The question of the Rule of law arises more and more with much acuity in Africa in general and in West Africa in particular. The observable deficit of Rule of law in certain countries of this region is one of the root causes of belligerence and crisis with dramatic consequences: violation of Human rights, desinstitutionalization, refusal of democratic alternation, impunity, poverty, insecurity, etc…Côte d’Ivoire, Mauritania, Liberia, and Sierra Leone are not immune to this. These countries are characterized by particular situations in the light of the crisis they encounter and have encountered, as well as common issues in the long and difficult quest for the establishment of the Rule of Law. This process, with major obstacles, gives rise to a real normative production with the combined intervention of the regional, pan African and international communities. And provided, the “conflict of norms” are not to be excluded. Hence the need to consider prospects for resolving crises, to establish the Rule of law in West Africa.

The master thesis deals with the role of NGOs in post-conflict reconstruction, the case study is applied to the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict reconstruction goes on since the end of the civil war in 1995 there. The aim of this work is to evaluate the fulfillment of the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first chapter follows the theory of peacekeeping operations and theoretical classification of the post-conflict reconstruction. In the second chapter, there is an application of the Dayton Peace Agreement on the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction. The third chapter deals with activities of NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and presents some major projects and the overall assessment of their impact. For the methodology was chosen qualitative and quantitative evaluation and analysis and synthesis of data.

The Stolpersteine memorial art project commemorates individual Holocaust victims by placing small brass plates outside the last known place they freely lived or worked. To date around 70,000 of these ‘stones’ have been laid across 24 countries, making it the largest decentralised monument in the world. The work grows by virtue of community action from relatives, neighbours and activists. This paper examines how the memorial form functions in a specific context. An ‘unofficial' version has been running in Vienna since 2005, termed Stones of Remembrance. It shares key characteristics with Stolpersteine but the approach in the Austrian capital is distinctly different, with local interpretations. This case study into the Vienna experience investigates public response to these stones drawing on research material that includes interviews with specific stakeholders and the general public who encounter them on a day to day basis. It highlights Austria’s role in the Holocaust, and struggle to belatedly come to terms with its complicity in what happened on local streets. Key questions are whether placing history at a neighbourhood level engages the public more actively than centralised state actions? How do people understand and engage with these pieces and are they effective sites of memory, reflection or imagining? Public response in Vienna suggests that memorial stones might be valuable communication tools not only for remembering the past, but for the present too - as reminders of past abuses that can serve as warnings for the future. As an example of a participatory approach to memory work Stones of Remembrance / Stolpersteine can have relevance as a communication for development and social change tool, with potential application in other post conflict contexts.