Wars and conflicts inevitably result in the destruction of the built-environmentand of communities. This paper explores the potential social contributions of architectsto sustainable peace building in post-conflict reconstruction.Recent discussions about the social impact of architecture insist on the benefitsof involving affected populations in the design and implementation of construction andreconstruction projects. Nevertheless, the humanitarian community often disregards thebuilt-environment reconstruction sector, despite the opportunities it holds to bridge the‘humanitarian-development-peace nexus'. Due to a mutual misunderstanding betweenprofessions, the value of involving architects in humanitarian programmes isoverlooked. In light of Jean-Paul Lederach´s theory of conflict transformation, I suggestthat architecture processes can contribute to sustainable peace via the improvement ofrelationships between middle-range and grassroots leaders as well as within members ofthe grassroots level of affected population. This can take place when the(re)construction planning, design and implementation processes properly take thecultural context into consideration and involve the users.Through the analysis of three diverse examples of post-conflict constructions inRwanda, Colombia and Iraq, involving architects, I will show that they respectfullyinsert their projects in the local context. They involve the local communities in thereconstruction process, collaborate with multidisciplinary teams and consider not onlytechnical but also social and psychosociological aspects of housing. Thereby they cancontribute to the relevancy and sustainability of post-conflict reconstruction projects andsupport holistic approaches to peace building.Finally, I will argue for a greater involvement of architects in the humanitarianfield and call for more comprehensive research on their social contributions, the field ofpeace building and post-war reconstruction.

This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one.

This study critically analyses and shows the merits of women participation in decision making during post conflict peace-building processes. Also explores the African Union's (AU) mechanisms that can facilitate women participation in peace-building and decision making processes in post-conflict countries. The scope of this thesis will be limited to Rwanda and Mozambique as countries that have suffered armed conflicts but progressively managed in post conflict to increase women participation in both peace-building and decision making processes. Discusses what the two countries can contribute to other countries that are in a post conflict phase in terms of providing best practices. Consequently, a framework will be drawn from these best practices in conjunction with the provisions under the AU to address the role of women in decision making processes during post conflict / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Pauo Comoane / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Depuis plus d’une décennie, la République Centrafricaine (ci-après le Centrafrique ou la RCA) et la République de Côte d’Ivoire (ci-après la RCI ou la Côte d’Ivoire) traversent des conflits militaro-politiques graves qui se sont accentués pour le premier en 2012 et pour le second en 2011. Ces crises qui, dans la plupart des cas tirent leurs racines dans la mal gouvernance et une absence de volonté politique ont un dénominateur commun : des dégâts matériels importants et en perte de vies humaines. Des crimes graves dans la hiérarchie de l’horreur ont été commis (crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de génocide). Compte tenu de la gravité de ces crimes qui transcendent profondément la conscience humaine, les deux pays ont engagé des processus de justice transitionnelle, à travers des mesures judiciaires et non judiciaires en vue de faire face à leur passé douloureux et réconcilier les populations et communautés divisées. Comment intégrer la Justice dans une stratégie plus globale du processus transitionnel pour la réconciliation nationale favorable à un nouvel avenir démocratique ?Certes, la répression de ces crimes par les tribunaux centrafricains et ivoiriens, la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), la Cour Pénale Spéciale (CPS) en RCA ou au titre de la compétence universelle de juridiction est un objectif prioritaire poursuivi par les deux pays. Cependant, la justice classique s’est montrée incapable d’en juger tous les auteurs, tant leur nombre est important et tant les faits qui leurs sont reprochés sont graves. C’est pourquoi les autorités centrafricaines et ivoiriennes ont envisagé d’autres mécanismes complémentaires à la justice pénale destinés à rétablir un vivre ensemble entre les populations divisées, notamment la création des Commissions Vérité et Réconciliation. Elle est chargée d’établir une vérité historique sur les crimes du passé en vue de tourner définitivement la page. En dehors de cette institution classique de la réconciliation nationale, d’autres structures ont été créées, soit pour combler les lacunes des précédentes initiatives, soit pour connaître d’autres domaines nouveaux. La religion a aussi joué un rôle important; soit qu’elle promeut la tolérance religieuse, l’acceptation des différences ou la résolution pacifique des conflits, soit qu’elle apparaît comme cause de conflits, à travers la promotion ou la diffusion des messages de haine et de division.Mais dans la démarche de conciliation de ces deux objectifs, comment entreprendre le processus de réconciliation nationale sans pour autant avaliser les pratiques d’impunité ? C’est en ce sens que la répression des crimes graves apparaît comme un mécanisme nécessaire de la justice transitionnelle.Enfin, il est important de noter que les crises que connaissent les deux pays obéissent à des mobiles politiques, mais aussi institutionnels. C’est pourquoi des réformes institutionnelles ont été engagées dans plusieurs domaines, entre autres, la Réforme du Secteur de la Sécurité (RSS) avec le désarmement, la démobilisation et la réinsertion des tous les combattants. Des réformes ont aussi été entreprises dans le domaine de la bonne gouvernance et de la justice constitutionnelle pour que désormais, les actions des gouvernants soient soumises au droit. / For more than a decade, the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire (RCI or the Ivory Coast) are going through serious military-political conflicts which have been accentuated for the Central African Republic in 2012 and for RCI in 2011. These crises, which in most cases are rooted in poor governance and lack of political will have a common denominator: significant material damage and loss of life. Serious crimes in the hierarchy of horror have been committed (war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide). Given the seriousness of these crimes that profoundly transcend human consciousness, both countries have engaged in transitional justice processes, through judicial and non-judicial measures to deal with their painful past and reconcile divided populations and communities. How to integrate justice into a more global strategy of the transitional process for national reconciliation in favour of a new democratic future?It is true that the repression of these crimes by the Central African and Ivorian courts, the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Special Criminal Court (SPC) in CAR or under universal jurisdiction is a priority objective pursued by both countries. However, classical justice has proved incapable of judging all the authors, as their number is important and the facts they are accused of are serious. This is why the Central African and Ivorian authorities have considered complimentary mechanisms to criminal justice aimed at restoring living together among the divided populations, materialized by the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR). It is responsible for establishing a historical truth about the crimes committed in order to definitively turn the page. Apart from this classical institution of national reconciliation, other structures have been created, either to fill the gaps of previous initiatives or to find other new areas. Religion has also played an important role; either it promotes religious tolerance, acceptance of differences or peaceful resolution of conflicts, or it appears as a cause of conflict, through messages of hatred and division.But in this process of reconciling these two objectives, how can we begin the process of national reconciliation without endorsing practices of impunity? It is in this sense that the repression of serious crimes appears as a necessary mechanism of transitional justice.Finally, it is important to note that the crises in both countries are politically motivated, but also institutional. This is why institutional reforms have been initiated in several areas, including Security Sector Reform (SSR) with the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of all combatants. Reforms have also been undertaken in the field of good governance and constitutional justice so that, henceforth, the actions of the rulers are subject to the law.

Natural disasters and conflicts are not gender neutral. They have a different impact on women, girls, boys and men, deepening and intensifying already existing, socially constructed, cultural norms and gender roles. However, crisis represents a “turning point” that shakes balances and traditions, unbalancing the fixed social structure, leaving room for women to exit the crisis empowered, rather than wounded. A systemic integration of a gender-sensitive approach into humanitarian and disaster reliefs operations wound tackle pre-existing inequalities, ensuring an effective quality response and recover from disasters.

This paper deals with the post-conflict reconstruction in Afghanistan after the NATO-invasion at the end of 2001 and its success. To ensure the stability of the country, the NATO-led coalition had not only to overthrow the Taliban regime, but also to create basic government structures and help them perform. Reconstruction is of course very common and necessary after conflict, it is however usually operated by strictly civilian measures, e. g. government institutions and humanitarian organisations. In this case, however, such approach was not possible due to volatile security situation, which in some areas grew to such intensity, it essentially became a war-conflict again. This paper focuses on the Herat province and NATO units, especially under ISAF command. It seeks to define the process of post-conflict reconstruction and using the process-tracing method, it then ascertains the extent to which ISAF units dedicated themselves to post-conflict reconstruction and made a positive progress in this area. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Interreligious peacebuilding is one of the oldest methods used in peacebuilding around the world, as religion is often one key factor in war and used both to fuel conflicts or to promote peace and co-existence. However, the use of interreligious dialogue in post-conflict societies is still not fully understood and researcher has still not encapsulated its different components. The purpose of this study was therefore to provide understanding of the use of interreligious dia-logue in a highly sectarian societies as contemporary Lebanon is. Therefore, to explore and contribute to this research field, I conducted semi-structured interviewees with a local peace-building organisation in Lebanon. The findings were analysis with an analytical framework, based on intergroup contact theory and research methods on religious dialogue. This study il-lustrated the challenges and opportunities Lebanese peacebuilders face when conducting dia-logues in a very religiously divided society. The findings presented that the affective and cog-nitive effects from interreligious dialogue do varies between individuals depending on their own view on being a majority or minority religion and their own prejudice against other beliefs. Therefore, this paper contributes to new insight on the effects of contact theories relevance in sectarian societies and could be utilised to enhance the peacebuilding efforts in Lebanon.

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While existing literature has made significant contributions on violence against human rights defenders (HRDs), there remains a gap in understanding local perceptions, leadership roles, responses to violence, and their impact on collective action for peacebuilding. This research investigates the role of HRDs in promoting territorial peace in post-conflict Colombia, addressing the question of which type of HRDs mobilization strategy increases the likelihood of territorial peace during the post-conflict. By implementing a structure focus comparison, the study analyzes two sub-regions, Northeastern of Antioquia, and Western Valle del Cauca – Buenaventura. The findings of the study support the hypothesis that the implementation of adaptive strategies by HRDs, such as approaches, adjustments, and avoidance, leads to increased levels of territorial peace, in terms of enhancing self-determination and consolidating organized protection measures. This is because as the theoretical argument suggested, adaptive strategies have facilitated HRDs' to address emerging territorial tensions and enhance their capacity for the establishment of internal and external mechanisms for peacebuilding. Moreover, these findings underscore the importance of coordinated implementation of adaptive strategies to effectively promote territorial peace. The study collected data by conducting interviews with HRDs and experts in Colombia and triangulating information from secondary data sources.

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