In the wake of atrocities arising from internal armed conflicts in the 1990s, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty introduced the Responsibility to Protect doctrine (“R2P”) as a solution to reconcile the notion of state sovereignty with the need to protect citizens. The lack of available protection for internal armed conflicts and the subsequent evolution of the humanitarian intervention debate facilitated the unanimous acceptance of R2P’s fundamental principles by all UN member states. This paper examines the development of the R2P doctrine and its current status as customary law. By identifying its inadequacies, the paper raises questions of the doctrine’s viability in fulfilling the emerging norm of the collective responsibility to protect. In order to remedy these shortfalls and ensure the doctrine’s effectiveness, the paper argues the need to incorporate post-conflict investigatory mechanisms into the R2P.

The purpose of this study was to analyze and compare the agonistic behaviors and reconciliation in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques (Macaca cyclopis). The dominance style of Formosan macaques was compared with long-tailed, rhesus and Japanese macaques. I have used scan, focal sampling and ad libitum on aggressions of adult macaques. I have recorded post-conflict (PC) focal samplings on victims and compared those with matched control (MC) focal samplings. Agonistic behaviors had significantly higher frequency in captive than in free-ranging Formosan macaques. The frequencies of hostile and submission were significantly higher in captive than in free-ranging Formosan macaques. The captive adult females of higher rank had higher frequency of threat and hostile, and lower frequency of submission. Threat was the most frequent aggression (52-72%) expressed by both the captive and free-ranging adult monkeys. The victims in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques usually submitted immediately after aggression (82-89%). The proportion of counter aggression in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques were relative low (9-16%). The aqerage conciliatory tendency for adult Formosan macaques was 14.3% to 19.6%. The affiliative contacts in PC and MC in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques were striking that both preferred grooming. The Formosan macaques significantly reconciled more during PC than MC period both in captive and free-ranging conditions. In addition, both had significantly more attracted than dispersed PC-MC pairs. The conciliatory tendencies in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques were similar regardless of kin and non-kin partners. This study indicated that Formosan macaques were close to the macaques of Fascicularis group. Therefore, Formosan macaques had a despotic dominance style as suggested by Phylogenetic hypotheses.

Following the war in Kosovo in 1999, the international community embarked on the most extensive international peace- and state-building project to date. From the early UN administration of Kosovo until the end of 'supervised independence' in 2012, various international organisations played a critical role in shaping the post-war polity. Throughout this engagement, the international community was driven by normative commitments to multi-ethnicity. However, while international organisations were committed to making Kosovo 'multi-ethnic', lack of clarity prevailed about what this goal entailed, or why it was so important. The thesis seeks to answer two inter-related questions: what was meant by multi-ethnicity on the part of its proponents, and what explains the prominence of commitments to this idea. Taking the form of three sections, the thesis examines these commitments' origins, manifestations, and explanations. International normative commitments to multi-ethnicity are found to originate in a shifting conception of the relationship between ethnic diversity and legitimate statehood during the twentieth century. Their manifestations in Kosovo are studied in three policy domains: the return of displaced persons, decentralisation of government to the local level, and minority rights. The thesis finds that international efforts in the pursuit of multi-ethnicity in Kosovo exhibited conflicting notions of multi-ethnicity, which shifted from integrationist ambitions to notions that reconciled the reality of segregation between ethnic groups on the ground through a 'politics of recognition'. The goal of multi-ethnicity remained, but was transformed. Explanations for the commitments to multi-ethnicity are found in both normative and consequentialist considerations, by uncovering unspoken underlying assumptions, and in the identity and self-image concerns of international actors. These findings indicate the power of the normative environment in shaping the actions of international organisations and provide insights into the thus far under-theorised normative dimension of the international state-building project in Kosovo.

Background: Iraq is a higher middle-income country with a GDP of $223.5 billion (as of 2014). In the 1970s and 1980s, an extensive network of primary, secondary and tertiary health facilities was built, and the country recorded some of the best health indicators in the Middle East. However, two decades of conflict (both inter- and intra-state), sanctions and poor planning have reversed many of the previous gains. In the aftermath of the 2003 war, the government of Iraq introduced a Basic Health Services Package (BHSP) with a user fee component. International actors often advocate BHSPs as a means of rapidly scaling-up services in health systems that are devastated by conflict. User fees have also been promoted as a way of raising revenue to enhance the financial sustainability of healthcare systems in such contexts. While Iraq is a conflict-affected state, it has retained an extensive healthcare infrastructure and has a ministry of health with considerable financial and administrative capacity. In such a context, the introduction of a BHSP is a notable and distinctive feature of health policy in this setting, and the process through which this occurred have not yet been examined. Aim: To explore the processes through which the BHSP was conceived and designed in Iraq. It compares Iraq’s BHSP with similar policies in other post-conflict settings. It examines the roles of domestic and external actors and models in the policy’s conception and design. It explores the preferences of internal and external actors about the financing of service delivery through user fees. The study also examines the extent of policy transfer in the formulation of Iraq’s BHSP. Methodology: The thesis utilises a qualitative case study approach, incorporating analysis of semi-structured elite interviews and documents. Twenty Skype, phone, and face-to- face interviews were conducted between January 2013 and August 2014. Interviewees included former ministers of health, directors of departments of health, academics and officials at donor agencies, bilateral and multi-lateral bodies and consultancies. Documents included 47 official government publications, evaluations, reports, policy briefs and assessments. Literature review: A search of the literature on health policy making in post-conflict and fragile settings identified three key gaps in existing evidence; first, there is a dearth of published work examining health policy in post-conflict Iraq. Second, the literature focuses mainly on the impact of policy action in post-conflict contexts, largely neglecting the processes through which those policies are introduced. Third, while the literature concentrates on the roles of external actors, it pays limited attention to the role of domestic actors and politics. Results: Iraq’s BHSP shares commonalities with the other selected countries (Uganda, Afghanistan, and Liberia) in its primary aims, influential actors, interventions included or excluded, and financing principles. However, Iraq’s BHSP also aims at broader, and longer-term, structural reform, while the BHSP in other countries is often motivated by short-term objectives. The MoH in Iraq also appears to assume a prominent role in this case relative to others. Also, Iraq’s BHSP includes a greater number of interventions compared to the other countries. The Iraq war of 2003 offered the opportunity for wide-ranging structural change in the healthcare system. External actors, especially the WHO, were influential in advocating for a BHSP drawing on the recent experience of a similar initiative in what was in some ways the similar context of Afghanistan. However, the removal of former politicians and the emergence of internal policy actors with considerable technical and financial capacity allowed the domestic authorities to debate, dispute and challenge the recommendations of external actors. Relatedly, some of the internationally distinctive features of the BHSP in Iraq, including user fees, are similar to those that exist elsewhere in the health system. Most interviewees agreed that the BHSP was a means of enhancing financial sustainability and that it would help to enhance efficiency by targeting resources at population health need. The BHSP, according to some, represented the categories of healthcare that the government should finance, while allowing the private sector to meet demand for other services. However, many domestic actors supported the introduction of user fees as part of the BHSP. Several external actors either distanced themselves from this decision or declared no position, claiming that this was properly a matter for the government of Iraq. Discussion: While the BHSP’s ‘label’ is new in the context of Iraq, its substantive content is not. The BHSP can be seen as the outcome of the combination of old (existing) technologies and instruments presented in new (and introduced) ways. The existing health system offered ideas, techniques and processes that were maintained and reproduced even if these were packaged in new ways, to create a policy framework which is genuinely novel. External experts highlighted the idea of the BHSP and provided models (such as Afghanistan) on which the policy could be based. Internal decision-makers, however, were active players in policy formulation, not passive recipients who did not question or modify the policy during the process of transfer. On the contrary, it seems that the latter exerted considerable influence. User fees represent one aspect of that continuity. Ownership of policies by ministries of health in post-conflict is often advocated. However, such involvement introduces the potential for replicating old structures and policies, and may result in a degree of policy incoherence. Policy ideas are likely to change significantly where there is considerable local engagement in policy design and implementation.

Em dezembro de 2012, após treze anos, três mandatos de operações de paz e dois mandatos de missões políticas, a ONU se retirava do território do Timor-Leste de maneira bastante discreta. Fechava-se, naquele momento, um ciclo de participação da Organização na vida política e econômica daquele país, que se iniciara com os episódios de violência de 1999, quando milicianos pró-indonésia tentaram impedir o processo político de autodeterminação do povo timorense. Herdando um país com suas infraestruturas destruídas e mais de um quarto de sua população refugiada ou deslocada internamente, a ONU não apenas pacificou o território como também empreendeu ali um processo de Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB), onde sua participação variou entre o exercício pleno de todos os poderes soberanos atinentes às funções de governo de qualquer Estado ao apoio de assessores altamente especializados em prol do governo independente do Timor-Leste. O balanço final dessa participação é positivo na medida que revela um país com estruturas governamentais consolidadas, formalmente democrático e com boas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro lado, o combate à pobreza, a consolidação da pacificação social, a necessidade de maior participação popular na política e a redução da dependência de sua economia em relação ao petróleo seguem sendo desafios não resolvidos e, em grande medida, externalidades provocadas pela própria ONU. / In December 2012, after thirteen years, three mandates of peace operations and two mandates of political missions, the UN withdrew from the territory of Timor-Leste in a rather discreet manner. At that moment, a cycle of the Organization's participation in the political and economic life of that country, which began with the 1999 episodes of violence, occurred when pro-Indonesian militiamen tried to impede the political process of self-determination of the Timorese people. Inheriting a country with its destroyed infrastructure and more than a quarter of its population refugee or internally displaced, the UN not only pacified the territory but also undertook a Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB) process, where its participation ranged from full exercise of all sovereign powers pertaining to the government functions of any State to the support of highly specialized advisers for the independent government of Timor-Leste. The final balance of this participation is positive insofar as it reveals a country with consolidated government structures, formally democratic and good rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the fight against poverty, the consolidation of social pacification, the need for greater popular participation in politics and the reduction of dependence of its economy on oil remain unresolved challenges and, to a large extent, externalities caused by the UN itself.

[pt] O principal objetivo deste trabalho é discutir e problematizar o modo como a categoria ex-criança soldado vem sendo formada e projetada dentre os discursos do trauma e da resiliência que traduzem o seu prefixo temporal ex por meio certos esquecimentos (temporais e subjetivos) e superação. Desse modo, o ideal para a reintegração social bem-sucedida das ex-crianças soldado está inscrito na possibilidade de superação do passado militar e na projeção de um futuro estável. Além disso, penso ser a relação desta produção temporal entre passado militar traumático e futuro do sujeito resiliente para ex-criança soldado que revela as construções do entendimento de sua categoria no presente como em uma posição de espera. Espera no sentido tanto de aguardo (da criança que espera pertencer ao mundo adulto) quanto de esperança (da ex-criança soldado que espera ser resiliente). De outro lado, questionando a produção do tempo como linear, junto com a relação, essencialmente, opositora entre os discursos do trauma e da resiliência, pretendo refletir sobre as (des)continuidades temporais entre a categoria (ex-) criança soldado, o envolvimento militar e o (pós-) conflito, que marcam seus desenhos temporais difusos. Assim, o parêntese que guarda o prefixo ex traduz uma forma de abranger as múltiplas temporalidades que coexistem nas histórias e estórias das (ex-) crianças soldado e bagunçam com a noção moderna da infância e do conflito armado. A categoria (ex-) criança soldado e sua posição temporal confusa, portanto, incomoda certos binarismos, como: adulto e criança; guerra e paz; público e privado, etc. / [en] The central aim of this work is to discuss and problematize the way that the former child soldier category has been formed and projected into the trauma and resilience discourse, translating the temporal word former through certain forgetfulnesses (temporal and subjective) and overcoming. The ideal plan for the successful social reintegration of former child soldiers lies in the possibility of overcoming the military past and of projecting a stable future. Besides, I think that the relation of this temporal production between military and traumatic past and the future of the resilient subject reveals the constructions for understanding the former child soldier category in the present as in a waiting position. The waiting position, in this sense, refers to the Portuguese word espera, which means both wait (the child who waits to become an adult) and hope (the former child soldier who hopes to be resilient). On the other hand, I intend to think about the temporal (des)continuities among the (former) child soldiers, the military involvement and the (post-) conflict, which define the category s diffuse temporal drawing, by questioning the linear production of time and the mainly oppositional relation between the trauma and the resilience discourses. Thus, the parentheses in the word former translate a manner of embracing the multiples temporalities which coexist inside the (former) child soldiers stories and mess up the modern notion of childhood and armed conflict. On that account, the former child soldier category and its confused temporal position are able to disturb some binarisms, such as adult and child; war and peace; public and private, etc.

[pt] Como foi possível que a Colômbia, um país estigmatizado como problemático, tenha passado a constituir uma referência para soluções no que toca a operações militares? Essa pergunta está relacionada à emergência, na década de 2010, de um discurso do pós-conflito na Colômbia, ou seja, a ideia de uma transição de um conflito problemático a um pós-conflito exitoso. Parto do argumento de que tanto as análises que apontam para a existência de um cenário pós-conflito na Colômbia como aquelas que resistem à narrativa do sucesso operam com a lógica da presença/ausência de violência. Em contraste, proponho pensar esse quebra-cabeças em termos da transformação das regras através das quais a violência é transmitida e das condições que permitem tal dinâmica. Esse esforço analítico é empreendido em duas partes principais. Na primeira, investigo como o problema da violência foi historicamente construído na Colômbia. Na segunda, exploro como o profissional militar mobilizado por meio desse entendimento específico de violência foi historicamente construído por meio de um circuito de saberes militares. Com base nessa análise, a pesquisa confronta a ênfase institucionalista que tradicionalmente constitui os debates sobre relações civil-militares, mostrando que tão importante quanto olhar para a fronteira polícia-militar para pensar sobre a violência e sua relação com a democracia é olhar para a forma com que regras de violência são transmitidas. Em segundo lugar, afirmo que só é possível compreender a consolidação de um edifício de saberes militares na Colômbia por meio de seu enquadramento em uma dinâmica mais abrangente de transmissão de conhecimentos. / [en] How was it possible that Colombia, a country stigmatized as a problematic one, has come to be taken as a reference for solutions regarding military operations? Such puzzle is related to the emergence of a post-conflict discourse in Colombia by the 2010s, that is, the claim of a transition from a problematic conflict to a successful post-conflict. By arguing that both the analyses pointing to a post-conflict scenario and those resisting such a claim are all operating with the logics of the presence/absence of violence, I propose to think about this puzzle in terms of the transformation of the rules through which violence is transmitted and the conditions allowing for this. This analytical effort unfolds in two main parts. In the first one, I investigate how the problem of violence has been historically built in Colombia. In the second, I explore how the military professional mobilized through this specific understanding of violence was historically constituted through a circuit of military savoirs. Based on this analysis, the research confronts the traditional institutionalist emphasis of civil-military debates. It does so by showing that as important as looking to the police-military boundary to think about violence and its relation to democracy, is looking to the school-training splitting observed in the ascendancy of the Colombian military as experts in the use of violence in Latin America. Finally, I claim that one can only understand the consolidation of an edifice of military savoirs in Colombia by framing it within broader dynamics of transmission of expertise.

One of the most common struggles of societies emerging from violent conflict is the struggle to re-invent or re-imagine the ‘nation’. In the process, the critical question becomes: what to do with the traumatic knowledge of the past? Education policy becomes a crucial arena for asserting political visions for a new society and for signalling a clear break with the past - the history curriculum the means through which new collective memories and identities are both reflected and asserted. The purpose of this study is to understand how two African societies, Rwanda and South Africa, in transition from a traumatic past, re-invent or re-imagine themselves as they emerge from conflict. The particular focus is the intersection between the politics of memory and identity and education policy in the form of the history curriculum. The construction of curricula in post-conflict societies is an under researched facet in the field of curriculum development and education policy. While there are studies on the curriculum of transition from socialist to post-socialist states or colonial to post-colonial regimes or routine changes of government in capitalist democracies there are very few studies which examine societies that have experienced the transitional trauma arising from internecine racial conflict that was culturally embedded at all levels as the focus of curriculum analysis – and how in such societies issues of memory and identity are both reflected and contested through what is taught. The main research question for this study focuses on how post-conflict societies re-conceptualise/re-imagine themselves through the medium of the schools’ curriculum. Ancillary questions include the ways in which memory and identity are constructed and to what purpose; how societies emerging from conflict deal with the traumatic knowledge of the past; and how curriculum reflects and asserts the new identities. The research methodology included historical research; the analysis of key education policy documents; workshop observation and the analysis of evaluations and focussed responses; and group interviews. Being intimately involved in South African curriculum change, the theory of situated learning provided a valuable context for the analysis of the South African data. The study breaks new ground in that it is the first comparative African case study research on how societies emerging from violent conflict engage with a traumatic past. Secondly, it is the first study to take the legacy of trauma after identity-based conflict into account. What have been underlined by this study are the complexities of educational change and the fragility of post-conflict societies. The deep inequalities which remain after the conflict has been settled need to be taken into account, but seldom are, in the construction of post-conflict education policy and in teacher development. Importantly, the study also raised questions about the extent to which identities formed within a conflict society, filter curriculum knowledge in post-conflict classrooms. The main findings to emerge from the research are firstly, that the depth, direction and pace of curriculum change in post-conflict societies is conditioned by the terms that settled the conflict; secondly the nature of the emergent state and the character of regional or provincial politics sets limits as well as possibilities for curriculum change and implementation; and that in a post-conflict society, theories of change need to move beyond the formal curriculum to take into account the historical meanings of identity within the national context. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

This thesis presents a comparative study of the aesthetics of three theatre initiatives from development settings: theatre company Nós do Morro in Brazil, multi-disciplinary arts centre Phare Ponleu Selpak in Cambodia, and non-profit organisation Movimiento Teatro Popular Sin Fronteras in Nicaragua. By focussing on how different judgements within the landscape of aesthetic and social worth meet, conflict or interact within the programmes, processes and outcomes of the three theatre organisations, this research articulates the different kinds of ‘values’ attached to the (at times) competing aesthetic criteria for practitioners, government bodies and national and international non-governmental organisations that have stakes in this work. The majority of the data in this research is qualitative, generated by interviews, stories about theatre practitioners’ experiences and my own observations of performances, workshops and rehearsals. After exploring the landscape of aesthetic and social worth across the three case studies, this research points out the many ways in which international economics and global governance – manifest in tax-reduced sponsorships by global corporations, funding decisions of international interveners and cultural policies of national governments – participate and intrude into both the aesthetic and social constructions of applied theatre’s artistic value, therefore framing its aesthetic sphere. The global pressure coming from the United Nations and the international humanitarian community seeking to shape applied theatre companies and make them respond to certain dynamics serves neither art nor community. This also makes it very difficult to locate an aesthetic of applied theatre in a way that is ‘traditional’ in discussions of aesthetics (through definition of the art ‘product’ alone, via reference to ideas of beauty, affect and the senses). This study therefore found a way of understanding the impact of economic and international actors on applied theatre using Appadurai’s concept of the ethnoscape (1991), which offers a theoretical and analytical framework for investigating the determining factors of the aesthetics of applied theatre, and the aesthetic discourses surrounding applied theatre in development settings. I argue that applied theatre practices globally are becoming too uniform: global forms taken by transnational institutions are starting to evolve in new directions. We need to attentively investigate what the level of resistance of applied theatre companies can be. Although each art organisation is trying to find a place for applied theatre in the ‘new’ world, the theatre companies can hopefully resist the pressure to become the same kind of company, living in a state partially organised according to international agendas. As a result, this research proposes a more politicised, historicised kind of practice, teaching and mentoring around these questions. This will support applied theatre practitioners in finding their way in the new global world.

Internal displacement is one of the most significant challenges in the world today, and violence, conflict, and climate-related disasters have engendered millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) on the globe. Despite this, the IDP-population is a marginalised group on the international agenda and stay primarily under governmental protection and assistance. This makes the adequacy and durability of solutions and governmental management of IDPs crucial. The number of IDPs continues to rise every year, and many nations have evident difficulties in IDP-management, negatively affecting prospects for sustainable peace. Previous research has primarily focused on singular aspects of IDPs and solutions of such. Less has been written in terms of a broader and more comprehensive understanding of government management of internal displacement. Several scholars, researchers, and experts have stressed the urgency to pay more attention to the issue and consider IDPs a concern beyond humanitarian responsibility. This study seeks to increase the understanding of governmental management of IDPs from a broader and more holistic point of view. This by comparing two cases that have faced high numbers of IDPs in a "post-conflict" context (Uganda and South Sudan) and applying the Inter-Agency Standing Committee Framework on Durable Solutions for IDPs as a guide and analytical tool for comparison. The study finds that the governments have managed the situation with similarities and dissimilarities but have both faced difficulties in providing durable solutions and adequate response to IDPs' plight. Accentuated is also the insufficiency of establishing national instruments covering durable solutions when the political will or national capacity is absent. Reflected in the IDP-situations and trajectories examined, the primary obstacles for adequate response and management have been solely or a combination of such. The study also accentuates the interconnection of IDP-management and peace processes. For peace to be sustainable, and for solutions for IDPs to be durable, simultaneous progress of peace processes and IDP-management is crucial.