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The EDC was a failed attempt at European integration in military and defense. This thesis intends to examine how and why the EDC failed and what it means for today. This thesis aims to understand what are the implications for the EDC's failure in the EU's efforts to gain strategic autonomy. This issue is important to many with interests in the European region. The failure of the EDC will be analyzed as a case study utilizing the theoretical framework of Neoclassical Realism. Constraints include language, lack of government transparency, and inherent limitations of case study research. This thesis will outline different theories and why Neoclassical Realism is chosen to evaluate the EDC; then it will examine the EDC during its negotiation and writing; then it will analyze the case from the perspective of each of the EDC participants, and then it will describe the implications of the EDC for the present situation. This thesis will examine the EDC from a theoretical standpoint. Because the EDC is a unique case of failed European integration, a broader International Relations theory will be used in this thesis. There are a number of theories regarding European integration and broader theories on International Relations. This thesis will examine the EDC from the Neoclassical Realist perspective. The Pleven Plan was to allow for the rearmament of Germany under conditions acceptable to France. The Plan was to solve the German rearmament dilemma. Proponents had to deal with nationalists who resisted relinquishing control of armed forces while also nurturing the European idea that called for more integration. The Treaty of Paris was signed in 1952; the US and UK both called for its quick ratification. There were concerns among the treaty's signatories. Germany worried about a return of its army, its defense, and its acceptance in the West. Italy was concerned about integration, maintaining internal stability, and helping its economy. The smaller countries of the Benelux were in favor of the EDC to maximize their influence. France would struggle over ratification. Pierre Mendès-France had to deal with external pressure to get the EDC Treaty passed, and internal pressure to push for better terms. Gaullists were adamantly against the EDC. The French attempted to renegotiate the treaty to no avail. The National Assembly eventually voted against the EDC and the treaty failed ratification. The case of the EDC has implications for EU strategic autonomy. Russia presents a legitimate threat to the West. Globalization, technology, and non-traditional threats affect the security environment. The US is realigning its strategy to focus more on China, while Brexit removes the UK military assets from the EU. Finally, France has been driven to more seriously consider European strategic autonomy and a European Army after the AUKUS controversy. There are still obstacles to European defense. Strategic culture is a problem in Europe, especially in Germany. Nationalism and Euroscepticism continue to hinder further integration. The Europeans still rely heavily on US military might. EU efforts at strategic autonomy also cause consternation in NATO over redundancy. Finally, the EDC is an example of European integration taken too far, and a warning as to how difficult the EDU will be to achieve. The theoretical evaluation of the EDC reveals outcomes as expected in the theory. Each country calculated relative material power gain from the EDC, except France, which changed its calculation based on changes to the original Pleven Plan and popular pressure shaping leaders' perceptions. If there is going to be military integration and strategic autonomy in the EU, it will require a change in the strategic culture in Germany, so that the German military might be built up to ease the doubts of Eastern European EU members over the capability of such a European Army to supplant the US military in defense of the continent. / Master of Arts / The EDC was a failed attempt at unifying all European military forces into one. This paper wants to know the meaning of the EDC's failure for the EU's efforts to become an independent strategic actor; meaning, able to determine its own strategy. The thesis will look at the EDC's failure as a case study, using the theory of Neoclassical Realism. Neoclassical Realism is a theory in international relations that examines factors both inside and outside each nation that determine the outcomes of the interactions between those nations. The difficulties in doing this study include language barriers, government secrecy, and the fact that case studies are not perfect examples to stand in for other situations. This thesis will look at different theories and why Neoclassical Realism is best; then it will look at the EDC's history, and then it will talk about the impact of the EDC's failure for today. The Pleven Plan was a French proposal for the rearmament of Germany, with many limitations. The Plan tried to solve the problem of German rearmament: they wanted to re-arm Germany to defend against the Soviet Union, but they did not want Germany to turn around and threaten them. The Treaty of the EDC was signed in 1952; the US and UK both wanted quick approval. There were concerns among the nations that signed the treaty. Germany worried about a return of its military and being accepted in the West. Italy was concerned about integration, the stability of its country, and helping its economy. The smaller countries of Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg wanted the EDC to grow their influence. France would struggle over ratification; they tried to change the treaty, but it did not work. The National Assembly, the chief French law-making body, voted against the EDC and the treaty was canceled. The case of the EDC says a lot about the EU's attempt to gain the freedom to come up with its own strategy. Russia is a threat to the West. The modern-day environment makes international threats unique. The US is changing its strategy to focus more on China, while Brexit—the United Kingdom's decision to leave the EU—removes the UK military from the EU. Finally, France was offended from the AUKUS controversy, which involved a canceled submarine contract with Australia. They are seriously thinking about unifying the EU military and making it more independent on strategy. There are still challenges to European defense. A pacifist culture is a problem in Europe, especially in Germany. A basic opposition to the EU continues to slow down integration. Europeans still rely a lot on the US military. EU efforts to gain independence in strategy also worries NATO, as it is seen as doing the job that NATO should be doing. Finally, the EDC is a sign of how hard it will be to start the EDU. This look at the EDC shows results that are expected according to the theory. Each country figured out the level of power, compared to other countries, that each got from the EDC. France changed its mind because the original Pleven Plan was changed. If there is going to be a unification of European militaries and independence for strategy in the EU, it needs to change the peace-centered culture in Germany, so that the German military might be built up to convince Eastern European nations on the seriousness of a European Army to replace the US military in defending the continent.

Leadership and Military Power – Can a Leadership Approach Provide a Competitive Advantage? When does a military commander's leadership approach give his or her unit a performance advantage? U.S. Army senior leaders have asserted that forces led using the mission command approach will have an edge in future combat. Mission command decentralizes decision-making to empower subordinates to react more successfully and seize battlefield opportunities. American forces have struggled to employ mission command partly because of a lack of understanding of the approach. This study applied two concepts from organizational psychology, empowering leadership and directive leadership, to better define and examine mission command and an opposing approach, detailed command. I observed three combat-like exercises at the U.S. Army's Combat Training Centers to evaluate the impact of leadership on unit performance. Using qualitative data gained from my observations and interviews with unit leaders, I found that empowering leadership/ mission command could provide significant advantages to units with high team experience. However, I found that empowered units with low team experience tended to perform worse than similar units led by directive leadership/ detailed command.

Since 9/11, counterterrorism policies have been one of the crucial policy issues facing the United States. After the attacks on the United States, counterterrorism in this country transformed. Fifteen years later, counterterrorism is typically organized as a one-size fits all approach. This approach generalizes all terrorist threats, trying to target terrorism as a whole. This thesis explains how this is an improper approach to counterterrorism. Instead, policies should be case-specific and created in regards to the specific characteristics embodied by each terrorist organization. These characteristics include history and ideology, organizational and leadership structure, finances, and tactics and targets. These characteristics have been proven to comprise the composition of a one-of-a-kind terrorist organization. Each group expresses these characteristics differently, even if they share the same geographical location or religious background. Through research utilizing academic journal articles, current events, government publications, and published books, it is discovered how the unique characteristics displayed by Islamic Fundamentalist groups have counterterrorism policy implications. In order to portray this, this thesis analyzed characteristics of Al Qaeda, ISIS, and the Taliban. Through these case-studies, it was shown how distinct these groups are from one another and how these differences should be accounted for in counterterrorism policies. Once these differences are implemented into individualist counterterrorism policies, the United States can provide effective policies that target specific aspects of each terrorist organization instead of trying to combat terrorism as a whole.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Emizet Kisangani / The goals of this dissertation are two-fold. First is to investigate and explain the key variables responsible for the process whereby political parties form alliances with or create terrorist organizations. Second is to fill an important gap in the literature by offering a more precise conceptualization of the issues and a different theoretical view. Extant literature argues that institutional structural constraints, such as electoral systems, are more likely to lead political parties to create terrorist organizations. However, this dissertation hypothesizes that regime ideology is also an important factor explaining the creation of terrorist organizations by political parties regardless of structural institutional constraints. This dissertation seeks to illuminate existing fears and concerns about alliances between terrorist groups and political parties in states whose ruling party platform is based on leftist, rightist, centrist, or religious ideology. Using empirical methods, which includes both quantitative and case study approaches, this dissertation intends to show that particular kinds of party ideology is positively correlated with the formation of terrorist organizations even after controlling for institutional structural constraints. The implication of these findings is important for policymakers eager to create stable polities.

The central hypothesis of this study is that terrorist organizations choose to use females as suicide bombers not only as tactical innovation but also to “signal” or send a message to various audiences. In order to meet the research objectives of this study, two terrorist organizations—the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Chechen Separatists or those individuals associated with the Chechen Resistance—are examined in detail from their inception through 2013 using a structured focused comparison methodology. Evidence is found to support both of the studies’ main hypotheses. First, female suicide bombers are used by terrorist organizations because they are a 1) tactical advantage, and 2) to “signal” or send a message to various audiences. Their “entertainment” or shock value maximizes the psychological punch intended for delivery to a variety of audiences. These two reasons are not mutually exclusive but are colored by contextual considerations unique to each case. While deliberation was given to a variety of socio-political factors unique to each organization—such as popular support for suicide attacks perpetrated by females, indication of rival terrorist organizations, counterterrorism and political events that may have affected the terrorist organizations’ preference for females—insight into the operational characteristics surrounding individual suicide attacks was central in highlighting patterns in the organizational use of female suicide bombers. Those patterns are consistent across both cases and suggest that when females’ use is explained by the tactical innovation model, they are used overwhelmingly in suicide attacks where getting closer to intended targets—usually defined as security and political targets—matter. In contrast, suicide attacks explained by the signaling model are characterized by their novelty usually representing a deviation from terrorist organizations’ operational norms—deemed operational suicide attack anomalies in this study—characterized many times as “only” suicide attacks, “firsts [of that kind of],” or the most spectacular suicide attacks carried out by the organization.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation thesis analyses the process of intellectual reception of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies. Drawing upon the methodological discussion on the history of ideas, we question the typical bifurcation between textualism and contextualism as univocal principles of interpretation of the meaning of texts. Relevant to our analysis is not only to identify what the controversial German jurist really meant to say in his texts, but that its meaning is also conditioned by the use that is made out of it, of what one can make Schmitt “say” concerning the reception of his thought. What have been the uses of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies and what structure of presuppositions and interests condition the social reading of the thinker in the area? To answer such questions, the first chapter offers a brief introduction to Schmitt’s thought, with a special attention to his “international” thinking. The second chapter analyses the first reception venue of Schmitt in Critical Security Studies, where it developed a negative hermeneutics in the debates about securitization theory and the normative need to depart from the ‘Schmittean logic’ of security; the second chapter analyses the second reception venue, which involves the critique to a universal and intrinsic concept of security. To the authors of this line of interpretation, the critique of Schmitt’s theoretical framework on sovereign decisionism and the concept of the political would allow to shift the fixed grammar of security towards a more progressive and emancipative terms; the last chapter analyses the individual appropriation of Schmitt by Andreas Behnke, who developed the last reception venue until the present moment. Escaping the negative hermeneutics, Behnke builds a new Schmittean analytical framework for security, which expands on Schmitt’s bibliographical horizon and criticizes the predominantly liberal premises of Critical Security Studies / A dissertação analisa o processo de recepção de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança. Com base na discussão metodológica da história das ideias, problematizamos a bifurcação típica entre textualismo e contextualismo como princípiosunívocosde interpretação do significado dos textos. Relevante para nossa análise não é identificar apenas o que o controverso jurista alemão realmente quis dizer em seus textos, mas ofato de que o significado de suaobra está também condicionado ao uso que se faz dela, e do que se pode fazê-la“falar” com base na recepção do pensamentode Schmitt. Quais os usos de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança e que estruturas de pressuposições e interesses condicionam a leitura do pensador na área? Para responder tal pergunta, o primeiro capítulo oferece uma breve introdução ao pensamento de Schmitt, com especial atenção ao seu ‘pensamento internacional’. O segundo capítulo analisa a primeira via de recepção de Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança, onde se construiu uma hermenêutica negativa no âmbito dos debates sobre a teoria da securitização e a necessidade normativa de se afastar da “lógica schmitteana” da segurança; o terceiro capítulo analisa a segunda via de recepção de Schmitt, que envolve críticas a uma concepção universal e intrínseca da segurança. Para os autores desta linha interpretativa, a crítica ao arcabouço teórico de Schmitt sobre o decisionismo soberano e o conceito do político permitiria deslocar a gramática fixa da segurança em termos mais progressistas e emancipadores; o último capítulo analisa a apropriação individual de Andreas Behnke da obra de Schmitt, que constitui a última via derecepção (até o presente momento) do autor nos ECS. Fugindo da hermenêutica negativa, Behnke critica o que considera a leitura reducionistade Schmitt nos ECS e constrói um novo marco analítico schmitteano da segurança, que expande o lequebibliográfico de Schmitt e critica as premissas liberais da maior parte dos ECS

Shifts in culture and technology have changed the manifestation of celebrity in modern society, culminating in the practice of internet microcelebrity, where one views followers as fans, produces content consistent with a personal brand, and engages in strategic interaction with devotees. This thesis examines how those effects have also changed how terrorists present themselves and operationalize celebrity status. An original typology of terrorist celebrity is presented: traditional, martyr, and internet micro-celebrity. Two in-depth case studies of terrorist micro-celebrities are analyzed: Anwar al-Awlaki of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and Junaid Hussain of the Islamic State. The case studies are examined through content analysis of social media postings, personal chat transcripts, as well as mainstream media coverage of the individuals used to reconstruct their biographies. Following mainstream trends, these terrorist internet celebrities have built personal brands that target specific communities. Awlaki targeted English-speaking Muslims living in the West and IS foreign fighters like Hussain often target young people in the fighter’s countries of origin. Their online personas are created to be relatable and engaging to those specific audiences. Ultimately, mainstream celebrity trends have bled into terrorist behavior. By creating brands and managing them through micro-celebrity practices, terrorists have effectively weaponized online celebrity, using it for recruitment and planning.

This dissertation analyzes the relevance and importance of small buffer states for contemporary International Relations. It argues that sub-systemic interactions reinvigorate the role of buffer states in regional security. Using the case study of the triadic relationship among India, Nepal, and China, this study explains the evolving role of buffer states. The technological innovations in weapons systems, transportation, and communication have extended the reach of potential adversaries, rendering intermediate territorial space less significant than in the past. Thus, it is hypothesized in this dissertation that increased sub-systemic rivalry reinvigorates differently the relevance and significance of buffer states. The role of such states has evolved from an overwhelmingly geographic concept based on spatial discontinuity between larger rival powers to that of a fluid political space in which Great/Middle Power rivalry and competition play out. The research utilizes a mixed research design, specifically called the convergent parallel design. Data was collected based on specific critical junctures between 1990-2017. For quantitative analysis, data on trade, foreign direct investment, and foreign aid were collected; for the qualitative data analysis, foreign policy statements, press releases, and media briefs were used. Incorporating the Kruskal-Wallis Test and content analysis, both the results of the qualitative and quantitative analyses were collectively interpreted. Results demonstrate that during critical historical junctures, material and rhetorical engagements of both China and India invigorate within the buffer state of Nepal. In periods that India increases its material and rhetorical engagements, China concomitantly decreases its material engagement all the while increasing its rhetorical engagement. In essence, buffer states maintain relevance through the externalization of interactions between larger powers in the form of dynamic rhetorical and material engagements. In this case, Nepal maintains its relevance as a dynamic political space for interactions between its neighbors, India and China.

<p>In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ‘soft power’ proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment. Insufficiency of economic power in solving security problems became more visible with the terrorist attacks of September 11 and March 11 which proved the seriousness of a globalized security threat posed by terrorism. After the events took place, the EU’s security approach and threat assessment have been transformed in which the issue of terrorism occupied more profound place by ‘securitization’ of its context. The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU began to play more prominent role on EU policies together with incorporating the efforts on the issue of fight against terrorism both to EU’s external relations and to its security dimension. Therefore, in this study, the author analyzes the research question of the development of the CFSP of the EU together with the impact of the issue of terrorism in this transforming security environment. Since examination of such a complex security issue necessitates multidimensional approach, then liberal and realist theories are used as complementary analytical instruments guiding the theoretical framework of the study.</p>