This study presents the major ideas of Mahatma Gandhi on social stratification and social inequality. The methodology consists of systematically reading and analyzing the literature through which the theoretical components of social stratification in Gandhi's writings become more explicit, and evaluating these theoretical components. A systematic statement of Gandhi's theory of social stratification included the following five components. First, social differentiation is inherent in human nature. Gandhi believed in the universality of social differentiations and was convinced that societies were organized into the divisions on the basis of vocations. Second, relations among strata imply that a division of labor is essential for the stability and organization of society. Gandhi also implied that this division of labor is necessary and functional. Third, normative patterns establish traditions of heredity. To Gandhi, the four divisions in society defined a person's "calling" which is essential for social organization. Fourth, the system of stratification is the universal law that everyone is obliged to follow. Gandhi tried to legitimize social stratification through moral and religious values of the society. Fifth, social stratification system defines duties only and does not confer any privileges. To Gandhi, the divisions of people into strata was the best possible adjustment of social stability and progress. While accepting some form of social stratification for the benefit of total funcioning of the society, Gandhi refused to accept that social inequality necessarily grows out of the process of social stratification. To maintain the hereditary law of social stratification and reduce the inequality, Gandhi suggested the abolition of the present caste system and the revival of four orders of social organization, the removal of the concept of untouchability, the regulation of trusteeship, decentralization of power, the increase of women's status, and vocational education for all.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Although there is an increasing interest in social sciences amongst policy makers in financial services and investment organisations, not enough is known about the way financial organisations and activities interact with their social environments. In particular, there is a need for more research into the way financial activities are integrated into broader social structures. This thesis will report on a comparative study analysing the practices of financial organisations and their employees in two very different social environments: the UK and Chile. From 38 in-depth interviews with financial practitioners in London, Edinburgh and Santiago de Chile about their job trajectories and experiences, it was possible to analyse the practices of financial organisations in the UK and Chile, with an emphasis on the way they interact with global financial trends and local distributions of power and resources. A sociological account of organisational processes such as recruitment, socialisation, staff allocation, promotion and organisation of work within firms in these countries allowed for description and analysis of the way firms’ practices are related to their social (structural, symbolic and institutional) contexts. The research shows that Chile’s position in the global financial market and local distribution of resources encourage more traditional organisational practices, especially in terms of recruitment, socialisation, staff allocation and promotion, as well as activities performed and the way services are provided. In the UK, on the other hand, all of the above-mentioned processes are more technical, formally designed and competitive.

In this study I have done a text analysis of three picture books aimed at children in pre-school age. The purpose is to investigate how social stratification are described in three Swedish picture books focusing on the family. In the analysis, I use the intersectional perspective, where you study and assume questions about power and inequalities between different groups in society based on sex, class, sexual orientation and age. The result of the analysis shows that families in picture books are shaped differently. The family no longer needs to be the classic family, in today's society, the family is changing. The result also shows how the picture book can be used as an educational tool. The picture book can help create a meeting place between the adults and the children to discuss differences in society and the conditions of others, to make everyone's equal worth visible. / I denna undersökning har jag gjort en textanalys av tre bilderböcker riktade mot barn i förskoleålder. Syftet är att undersöka hur sociala skiktningar gestaltas i tre svenska bilderböcker med fokus på familjen. I undersökningen använder jag mig av det intersektionella perspektivet där man studerar och utgår från frågor om makt och ojämlikheter mellan olika grupper inom samhället baserat på kön, klass, sexuell läggning och ålder. Resultatet av analysen visar att familjer i bilderböcker gestaltas på olika vis. Familjen behöver inte längre utgöras av den klassiska kärnfamiljen, i dagens samhälle är familjen föränderlig. Resultatet visar även hur bilderboken kan användas som pedagogiskt verktyg. Bilderboken kan bidra till att skapa en mötesplats mellan de vuxna och barnen för att diskutera olikheter inom samhället och andras villkor, för att göra allas lika värde synligt.

A presente pesquisa analisa as transformações nas famílias brasileiras do ponto de vista dos diferenciais entre classes e da autonomia feminina no período de 1976 a 2012. Elegeu-se analisar aspectos da formação de família, reprodução, socialização dos filhos e divisão do trabalho (doméstico e remunerado). Na primeira parte, apresenta-se o objeto da pesquisa, seu referencial teórico e histórico. O capítulo 1 apresenta o problema de pesquisa, situando-o no quadro geral das mudanças na condição das mulheres nas famílias no Ocidente e em face das hipóteses de classe presentes nas pesquisas de gênero e família no Brasil. O capítulo 2 apresenta o referencial teórico empregado, considerando a relação entre vida familiar e as estratificações de classe e gênero, e a mudança social como transformação no equilíbrio de poder. O capítulo 3 oferece evidências históricas da diversidade e das mudanças, na longa duração, das práticas familiares e dos rótulos a elas associados, aprofundando-se, a seguir, a experiência de modernização do contexto de 1976 a 2012, escolhido para a análise de dados. Na parte dois investigam-se as transformações nas dimensões centrais da vida familiar, relativas à conjugalidade, reprodução e socialização de filhos. Destacam-se o controle da fecundidade pela contracepção, o adiamento da união e da maternidade, as mudanças no equilíbrio de poder nos casais, e a superação e até inversão das desigualdades educacionais das filhas comparadas aos filhos. Abordam-se também aspectos persistentes de desigualdades em cada uma dessas esferas, como a violência entre parceiros íntimos, a maternidade na adolescência e as dificuldades no processo de autonomização dos jovens. Na terceira parte, indaga-se sobre a construção da autonomia econômica das mulheres na intersecção entre as dimensões do trabalho doméstico e remunerado. No capítulo 7, após constatar a tendência geral e as variações por classe no crescimento da participação das mulheres no mercado de trabalho, nota-se que o engajamento feminino ainda é afetado pelas características familiares. Constata-se também o crescimento da presença de renda de trabalho ou de outra fonte, o que leva a considerar o debate em torno das políticas sociais que concedem titularidade às mulheres. No capítulo 8, analisa-se a divisão do trabalho doméstico e de cuidado, aspecto no qual as desigualdades de gênero seguem expressivas não apenas na geração adulta, mas também entre os filhos, o que conduz à discussão dos limites das mudanças na estratificação de gênero e das propostas em torno da conciliação entre trabalho e família e do direito ao cuidado. Na conclusão, destaca-se que, a despeito das variações por classe no ritmo e grau das mudanças, as mulheres brasileiras, no período 1976-2012, movem-se em direção a um melhor equilíbrio de gênero nas relações familiares. Também são problematizados os limites das mudanças e algumas de suas implicações para as dinâmicas de classe e gênero, indicando ainda algumas direções para pesquisas futuras.

<p>Division of labor and division of knowledge are so important andcommon in society today that it is almost impossible to imagine asociety where everyone knows the same things and perform the sametasks. This would be a society where everyone grows, or gathers, andprepares their own food, makes their own tools, builds their ownhouse, and so on.</p><p>Cultural evolution is the field of research that studies the creationand diffusion of ideas and societies. It is very uncommon for thesestudies to take into account the effects of specialization. Thisthesis will show that specialization is of great importance tocultural evolution.</p><p>The thesis is divided into three parts: one introduction and two papers. The introduction covers the mathematical models used byeconomists to study the relation between the market and division oflabor. The first paper is an interdisciplinary survey of the researchon division of labor and specialization, including both theoretic andempirical studies. The second paper is a mathematical model of howspecialization of knowledge (i.e. higher education) leads to socialstratification. The model is tested against statistical data fromseveral countries and found to be a good predictor of the differencesin income between people of high and low education.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 230-241).

Division of labor and division of knowledge are so important andcommon in society today that it is almost impossible to imagine asociety where everyone knows the same things and perform the sametasks. This would be a society where everyone grows, or gathers, andprepares their own food, makes their own tools, builds their ownhouse, and so on. Cultural evolution is the field of research that studies the creationand diffusion of ideas and societies. It is very uncommon for thesestudies to take into account the effects of specialization. Thisthesis will show that specialization is of great importance tocultural evolution. The thesis is divided into three parts: one introduction and two papers. The introduction covers the mathematical models used byeconomists to study the relation between the market and division oflabor. The first paper is an interdisciplinary survey of the researchon division of labor and specialization, including both theoretic andempirical studies. The second paper is a mathematical model of howspecialization of knowledge (i.e. higher education) leads to socialstratification. The model is tested against statistical data fromseveral countries and found to be a good predictor of the differencesin income between people of high and low education.

Educational attainment is a key component of occupational attainment and social mobility in America. Special education is a policy intervention geared toward ensuring equal educational opportunities for students distinctive from the majority. Students labeled with learning disabilities (LDs) comprise about half of the special education population, and are typically assigned the LD label for achievement levels that are lower than would be expected given their IQ. Although they have average or high IQs, students labeled with an LD continue to experience disparities in educational outcomes. In this dissertation, I use sociological perspectives and a large nationally representative dataset, The Education Longitudinal Study of 2002, to investigate the social and structural roots of the LD label, and to explore ways in which the LD label produces stigma or stratification during high school. In general, I find that (1) the disproportionate labeling of various status groups is indicative of the social and structural roots of the LD label, and that the process of assigning the LD label may not be uniform across schools; (2) labeled students have poorer educational outcomes than even unlabeled students who achieved at similar levels in early high school; (3) stigma related to the LD label is suggested by parents’ and particularly teachers’ much lower educational expectations for labeled students than for similar students not labeled with disability; (4) stratification related to the LD label is suggested by the placement of labeled students into lower levels of coursework than unlabeled students who performed similarly in a comparable level of coursework during the prior year; and (5) stigma and stratification related to the LD label are magnified among labeled students who are more socially advantaged, or who are higher achieving. Overall, the results suggest that the experiences of students labeled with an LD can be improved by addressing these social and structural factors that differentiate the likelihood of carrying the LD label, and have negative implications for labeled students’ social and academic experiences during high school. / text

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal