During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative “process-tracing” detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of “top-down” NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

The dissertation revealed that pre-colonial animosities and political divisions remained very strong in the political calculation of various ethnic groups in Nigeria and Kenya. This is proven by analyzing the ethnic mobilization campaign strategy adopted by political actors, especially in Nigeria and Kenya. However, it could be shown how debate on national policy issues directed the 2012 presidential election campaign in Ghana, while in Nigeria and Kenya ethnic identity legitimacy rights dominated public discourse and directed voter mobilization in the 2011 and 2007 presidential elections. The dissertation discovered how the collaboration between the media and the public compelled political actors in Ghana to defocus inter-ethnic grievances and concentrate on issues with national policy implications instead. It revealed that the political party alliances and interest alignments, which produced a “coalition of convenience”, were a direct product of ethnicity and religion identity legitimacy rights in two of the three case study countries; namely Nigeria and Kenya. Consequently, campaigns in the focused elections were streamlined to support the political concerns of each group under the premise of solidarity. Voters’ electoral loyalty was focused on ethnic and regional political concerns. In that sense, ethnicity identity legitimacy rights and political interest were raised above policy goals and national interests during the elections in Nigeria and Kenya. By extension, the active political participation of the people was anchored on the ethnic affiliation of the candidates. This was very evident in the observed voting pattern in Nigeria and Kenya. The use of “Ethnicity-centered Mobilization Strategy” was a disservice to democracy and the electoral processes along the 2011 and 2007 elections in both Nigeria and Kenya. The author is convinced that electoral mobilization strategies, oriented towards inter-ethnic grievances, identity legitimacy rights, regional and religious affiliation, were catalysts to the election violence experienced during these presidential elections. The dissertation argues that the desire and privilege to wield political power and authority in the case study societies contributed heavily to the violent mob action that emerged from the focused elections. It shows how campaigns, anchored on inter-ethnic grievances and the desire to exert identity legitimacy rights for political relevance, created ethnic irredentists, religious hard-liners and shaped the mobilization and voter participatory capacity in each ethnic group during the focused elections. The dissertation was able to establish how campaign strategy as used by the political actors through “material and solidarity incentives” drove the electoral processes. To that extend the use of ethnicity-centered solidarity prepared the ground for violent response in Nigeria and Kenya. Nevertheless, the use of a material incentive strategy to lure voters compromised voters’ electoral conscience and subsequently led to commercialization of the elections, especially in Nigeria. Consequently, the binary effects of the strategy are represented in the compromised status of the voters and the commercialization of the processes. The various events as orchestrated by the political actors devalued the elections and democracy itself. The spontaneous eruption of violence in Nigeria and Kenya was as result of campaign strategy as the “Ethnic Alliance” supporting each of the two opposition groups had expected their candidate to win the election in Kenya and Nigeria in 2007 and 2011 respectively. The violent outcome of the Presidential thus confirmed the negative role of “Solidarity Incentive Strategy” as a campaign method in a distressed society. Ethno-regional voter mobilization methods centered on inter-ethnic grievances, as well as religion influenced voter mobilization to achieve electoral success negatively and distorted the basis for violent-free democratic elections in the case study countries.

There is an increase of White settler Child and Youth Care (CYC) practitioners who are questioning how to be useful in their attempts at solidarity and justice-doing amidst precarious ethics and tensions. Meanwhile, Indigenous women, girls, trans and two-spirit people are being murdered and taken (MMIWGT2S+) at genocidal rates with little action from Canadian government and RCMP. Drawing from critical race theory, intersectional feminism, and anti-oppressive praxis, this research traces my own path to justice-doing and solidarity exploring the concept of witnessing as a White settler. With a critical examination of self, Whiteness, and White supremacy, I attempt to answer the research questions: In what ways can witnessing function as a useful practice framework for White settler solidarity? Secondarily, how can art act as witness or co-conspirator? Using an arts-based critical autoethnography, this study combines personal narratives with arts-based reflections on researcher’s experience as White settler facilitator of the program Youth for Dignity on unceded Kaska territory in Watson Lake, Yukon. The research focuses on the creation of a collaborative art piece on MMIWGT2S+ to explore witnessing as one pathway for White settlers committed to social change. Building on the work of Vikki Reynolds (2010a, 2010b, 2012) and other literature on solidarity and witnessing, seven witnessing intentions that inform my White Settler Emerging Solidarity Practice surfaced from this research: (a) critical examination of self; (b) reciprocal and respectful relationships; (c) intersectionality; (d) embodied listening; (e) honouring resistance; (f) action; and (g) accountability. This research has the potential to provide a possible pathway for other CYC practitioners to engage with the complexities and tensions of White settler solidarity practice. / Graduate

As renowned scholar and researcher Sara Ahmed (2004; 2015) reminds us, emotions do things to us because they are relational. This dissertation takes aim at one emotion in particular: shame. By recognizing the similarities between us - that we all feel some degree of shame - we nonetheless inevitably arrive back at our differences: Not all feminists are bombarded with shame equally or in the same way. With a particular emphasis on the ways that shame can obstruct interpersonal relationships within the feminist movement, in this dissertation, I pay close attention to the complexly suppressed shames we encounter when stepping into solidarity with one another, mapping out how negotiating shame can come to represent feminism as a multiplicity. Drawing from shame researchers like Ahmed (2015), Brown (2006), Harris-Perry (2011), and Halberstam (2005b) and Black feminist theorists like Crenshaw (1991), hooks (1992), Lorde (1984), Alexander, (2005), Hill-Collins (2017) and many others, I ask what shame does to feminists in solidarity with one another. To try to answer this question, I rely on Black feminist theory and methodology, focusing on autoethnography as well as a critical discourse analysis of two of Octavia Butler's novels, Parable of the Sower (1993) and Parable of the Talents (1998). The following research questions guide my analysis: 1a) How is shame conceptualized in shame research? 1b) How does shame function and why? 2) How does shame hinder our interpersonal relationships with one another? 3a) What does shame do to the mind-body? and 3b) What implications does this have for feminists? Octavia Butler's fiction provides representations of shame that help us to conceptualize harms that result when feminists are affected by an excess accumulation of shame. This study hypothesizes that, to avoid being derailed by difficult emotions like shame, we must explore different conceptions of shame as essential contributions to feminist understandings of solidarity.

This dissertation traces the relationship between the cultural formations of 1980s U.S. imperialism and the ascendance of neoliberal capitalism. Analyzing government documents, popular and literary fiction, movement memoirs and photography, and popular music, the dissertation argues that neoliberal discourses, logics, and affects were articulated by state and university representations of U.S. imperialism, as well as by the feminist and solidarity movement cultures that attempted to oppose the United States' overt and covert interventions in the Middle East, Latin America, and the Caribbean. The dissertation demonstrates how the university, the military, and the state reconfigured the materialist, anti-imperialist, and anti-racist imperatives of 1960s and 1970s movement cultural formations into fantasies of neoliberal recognition and tools for the production of neoliberal entrepreneurial subjectivities. But it also tracks how representations of U.S. imperialism provided resources for U.S. subjects to adjust affectively to new neoliberal dislocations and temporalities. Chapter 1 contends that sex radical memoirs by Kate Millet, Joan Nestle, Cherríe Moraga, and Samuel Delaney offered a vision of sexual solidarity politics that reinforced neoliberal arguments favoring economic privatization and apolitical citizenship. Chapters 2 and 3 show how these movement visions of desire and intimacy extended to the Caribbean and Central America, abetting U.S. imperialist violence and neoliberal economic transformations. I argue that Paule Marshall and Audre Lorde's cultural feminist attempts to reclaim a lost Caribbean heritage helped lay the affective groundwork for Grenada's neoliberalization, then examine how Central America solidarity movement culture, including fiction and photography by Barbara Kingsolver and Susan Meiselas, similarly naturalized neoliberal logics of privacy and intimacy. The second half of the dissertation turns to literary and popular culture, demonstrating how images and sounds of U.S. imperialism registered and soothed anxieties over new neoliberal economic conditions. Chapter 4 asserts that creative writing program fiction by Robert Olen Butler, Tobias Wolff, and Lorrie Moore mobilized the figure of the Vietnam veteran to offer readers a model for managing the volatility of post-Fordist capitalism. Chapter 5 contends that the pop/rock love-gone-wrong songs that scored the U.S. invasion of Panama offered a new genre of explanation for U.S. imperialism in the neoliberal age. / 2023-03-31T00:00:00Z

The project examines the construction of state space and the contestation of the EUropean borderscape through the work of non-state actors in the Mediterranean Sea. In response to the precarity of irregularized migrant journeys, there has been a rise in Search and Rescue (SAR) NGOs committed to assisting people on the move through upholding the basic human rights and dignity of migrants. Increasingly, NGOs are criminalized for providing basic necessities like food, water and shelter to migrants passing through the peripheral spaces of the state. Not only does irregular migration through the borderlands of the Global North directly confront state efforts to exclude through violent bordering practices, but NGO acts of solidarity also transform the harsh environment of the sea into contested spaces of political action. The lifesaving actions of NGOs operating in the Mediterranean directly challenge state authority and governance at sea while laying bare the violence inherent in state bordering practices. Conversely, the disruptive politics of these NGOs serve as a form of resistance to these same bordering practices and operate as a means of contesting state exclusion. Situating NGO SAR operations within the wider context of the securitization of borders, the repression and criminalization of solidarity in the Mediterranean highlights state efforts to reassert sovereign authority over the sea. This ongoing research contextualises the spatial politics of the Mediterranean borderscape at the intersections of migration governance and acts of solidarity by European NGOs. The research conducted for my doctoral project was driven by an ethnographic methodology that included six months working with SAR NGOs active in the Central Mediterranean while gathering over 50 interviews with activists working in the region. More directly, this also involved three months living and working alongside the German SAR organization, Sea-Watch, in France and Italy during periods of legal and administrative detention. My work bridges the opportunity to write about these movements and resistance efforts, with direct involvement in these struggles for rights, recognition, and freedom of movement, in solidarity with people on the move. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This thesis examines the concept of solidarity and how it can contribute to the understanding of the criminalisation of those who provide humanitarian assistance to undocumented migrants in Europe. It also looks at acts of resistance against such criminalisation. Alternative explanations are explored on the basis of theories of solidarity, previous research and collection of material from international and European institutions on the legal situation within the European Union. Particular attention is given to illustrative cases focusing primarily on the more or less publicly acceptable provision of healthcare and the less publicly acceptable provision of housing. Criminalisation can be understood in the light of exclusive solidarity only for those with citizenship or residence permit and as a part of immigration enforcement by deterring those who want to help and therefore discouraging irregular migrants from staying in the EU. Resistance against such criminalisation is built locally, on the basis of solidarity with undocumented migrants that are relatable and familiar, which also explains why solidarity is harder to achieve on a national and European level. Resistance against criminalisation is also built on faith, dignity and other grounds such as cost-benefit estimates for cities tackling issues such as social inclusion and public health.

The purpose of this study is to examine the rhetoric and subsequent media framing of President George W. Bush during the years following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and how such frames have been able to generate and sustain a national moral panic. While a number of scholars have explored the effect of presidential rhetoric in generating panic (53; Cohen 1972; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994; Hawdon 2001; Kappeler and Kappeler 2004), none have evaluated the effect of media framing on such rhetoric. This study will use three major sources of data: (1) National Public Opinion Data from Gallup Poll, (2) daily USA Today news articles, and (3) rates of international terrorism from the U.S. State Department. Employing a content analysis of USA Today articles pertaining to terrorism, I will evaluate the relevant themes used by the corporate media to frame the Bush administration's rhetoric, and further analyze the relationship between such rhetoric and the collective conscience across the eight years of the Bush presidency, while controlling for rates of international terrorism. / Master of Science

Submitted by SBI Biblioteca Digital (sbi.bibliotecadigital@puc-campinas.edu.br) on 2019-03-18T13:10:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DAVI DE PINHO SPILLEIR.pdf: 956619 bytes, checksum: 7de6e670ce16b17d690d6c2f8175b21c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-18T13:10:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DAVI DE PINHO SPILLEIR.pdf: 956619 bytes, checksum: 7de6e670ce16b17d690d6c2f8175b21c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-12-12 / Solidarity economy is an important way of production that seeks to promote solidarity, integration and synergy among its participants, who are owners and workers at the same time of these enterprises. However, due to several internal and external factors, these enterprises suffer to remain open and economically viable. The most severe and motivating factor of the greatest number of bankruptcies is the difficulty of obtaining credit. Given the relevance that survival has for all people participating in the solidarity economy, the objective of this work is to make a proactive contribution, identifying and validating elements that may be useful to projects of solidarity economy in relation to obtaining credit. For its accomplishment, as a methodology it is developed, starting from a bibliographical research, defined by periodicals and classic books of the themes, oriented by key words like solidarity economy, enterprise and credit, a research that allowed to find relevant elements, for the discussion in question. For the analysis of the identified elements a categorization was established in relation to the view of the actors involved, that is, the institutional vision, with external factors, and the user's view, with internal elements. The two visions eventually culminated in the elaboration of the propositional contribution. In order to validate such elements, it was followed in four different cases. As a result, it was concluded that the present work is useful for all those projects of solidarity economy that may eventually come up against credit problems. / A economia solid?ria ? uma importante maneira de produ??o que visa promover a solidariedade, integra??o e sinergia entre seus participantes, que s?o propriet?rios e trabalhadores ao mesmo tempo destes empreendimentos. Entretanto por diversos fatores tanto internos, como externos estes empreendimentos sofrem para se manterem abertos e economicamente vi?veis. O mais severo e que motiva o maior n?mero de fal?ncias ? a dificuldade de obten??o credit?cia. Tendo em vista a relev?ncia que a sobreviv?ncia tem para todas as pessoas que participam da economia solid?ria, o objetivo deste trabalho ? fazer uma contribui??o propositiva, identificando e validando elementos que possam ser ?teis a empreendimentos de economia solid?ria no que concerne ? obten??o de cr?dito. Para sua realiza??o, como metodologia desenvolve-se, a partir de uma pesquisa bibliogr?fica, definida por peri?dicos e livros cl?ssicos dos temas, orientada por palavras chaves como economia solid?ria, empreendimento e cr?dito, uma pesquisa que permitiu encontrar elementos relevantes, para a discuss?o em quest?o. Para a an?lise dos elementos identificados foi estabelecida uma categoriza??o em rela??o ? vis?o dos atores envolvidos, ou seja, a vis?o institucional, com fatores externos, e a vis?o de usu?rio, com elementos internos. As duas vis?es acabaram por culminar, finalmente, na elabora??o da contribui??o propositiva. A fim de se validar tais elementos, seguiu-se com a sua aplica??o em quatro casos distintos. Como resultado chegou-se a conclus?o de que o presente trabalho se apresenta como ?til para todos aqueles empreendimentos de economia solid?ria que venham eventualmente a se deparar com problemas credit?cios.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-05-27T17:39:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DUILIO CASTRO MILES.pdf: 3301476 bytes, checksum: b7b04a307c6581d4e5beb2b7381f3236 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-27T17:39:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DUILIO CASTRO MILES.pdf: 3301476 bytes, checksum: b7b04a307c6581d4e5beb2b7381f3236 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-16 / Nenhuma / A pesquisa objetiva analisar a dimensão da educação na sua função de mediação para construção de uma Cadeia Produtiva Solidária Binacional, do PET, com vistas à emancipação dos coletivos de trabalhadores de cooperativas dos setores de reciclagem e têxtil, do Brasil e Uruguai. Concluiu-se que a educação, embora reconhecidamente importante por seu potencial alavancador para transformações sociais, foi a grande ausente do projeto, a despeito de que têm sido realizadas algumas atividades e seja o produto mais ofertado pela ação das incubadoras. Soma-se a isso a falta de reconhecimento por parte dos coletivos da ação transformadora das mediações intrínsecas decorrentes das vivências resultantes da organização da produção associada. Quanto à intensidade da percepção do fenômeno da emancipação social, considera-se que houve, mesmo que incipientes, verificações no sentido de transformação na postura dos trabalhadores e dos empreendimentos em direção aos valores e princípios da economia solidária, porém nada de tão significativo ao ponto de serem identificados por todos, de igual forma, e na sua diversidade. O resultado foi influenciado pelo estágio de desenvolvimento dos empreendimentos, pelos condicionamentos psicológicos, econômicos e culturais, agravado pelo baixo nível de escolaridade e pela premência da busca da superação das condições de precariedade material, que dificultaram, de certa maneira, a compreensão das dimensões deste construto. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, foi adotado o método de Pesquisa-Ação-Participante. Destacamos como autores de referência adotados nesta tese: na Educação - Freire, Manacorda, Frigotto, Brandão, Streck, Adams e Zitkoski; na Economia Solidária - Razeto, Guerra, Tiriba, Mance, França, Laville, Novaes e Veronese; na Emancipação Social - Marx, Souza Santos e Tonet; e, no universo do trabalho, com importantes aportes da suas obras, Gramsci, Mészáros, Dussel, Rebellato e Escobar, dentre outros. / The research aimed to analyze the educational dimension in its role of mediator for construction of a Binational Partnership for Supply Chain, from PET, aiming at the emancipation of the workers collectives of recycling cooperatives and textile sectors, in Brazil and Uruguay. The study concluded that education, though admittedly important for its potential for social transformations was largely absent from the project, despite the fact that some activities have been carried out and the result is more action offered by the incubators. Addition to this fact, it’s remarkable the lack of recognition for the part of workers of transforming action of intrinsic mediations, resulting from experience of organization. Regarding the intensity of the perception of the phenomenon of social emancipation, it is considered that there were, even if incipient, changes in the attitude of workers and enterprises toward the values and principles of social economy, but nothing so significant as to be identified by everyone, equally, and in its diversity. The result was determined by the stage of development of enterprises, as well as by the psychological, economic and cultural constraints, notably influenced by the low level of education and the urgency of the effort to overcome the precarious conditions of the material, which made it difficult in some ways to understand the dimensions of this construct. For developing this research the adopted method is Participatory Action Research. We make salient as reference authors in this thesis: in Education - Freire, Manacorda, Frigotto, Brandão, Streck, Adams and Zitkoski; in Solidarity Economy - Razeto, Guerra, Tiriba, Mance, França, Laville, Novaes and Veronese; in Social Emancipation - Marx, Souza Santos and Tonet; and, in the work’s universe, with important contribution from Gramsci, Mészáros, Dussel, Rebellato e Escobar and others authors.