Human consumption of dog meat in South Korea has been a topic of international scrutiny since the 1980s. This paper presents the findings of a research into how Korean and international animal welfare organizations design and implement initiatives that aim to bring an end to the dog meat trade, increase civic engagement and affect social change. Fourteen animal welfare organizations’ strategies and activities were analyzed complemented by qualitative interviews with animal welfare professionals. Results were informed by the school of thought of advocacy, participatory versus diffusion approaches, social change, and civic engagement; elements often found in Communication for Development. Given the complexities inherent in measuring social change, this is largely an explorative study. Furthermore, literature on animal welfare in the field of Communication for Development is scarce; this research attempts to bridge this gap. This research finds that Korean and international animal welfare organizations have employed a multitude of different strategies and engagement of civil society to mobilize social change and bring an end to the dog meat trade in South Korea. Yet as advocates for a specific cause there are limitations in conducting fully participatory based models. Nevertheless, these efforts contribute to a holistic approach that reaches different stakeholder groups, each with unique needs and motivations, for a greater impact than the sum of each organization’s efforts on its own.

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For many in the West, North Korea is a secretive, reclusive, and enigmatic country, a rogue state that threatens the world with its nuclear program and ballistic missiles. Confronted with its numerous provocations involving nuclear tests and missile launches, however, the international community still has not formulated a coherent response. So how do we understand the crisis on the Korean peninsula that has persisted well beyond the end of the Cold War? Christoph Bluth presents an in-depth analytical account of North Korea's development from a Soviet satellite to a failed state in the post-Cold War period. He also explains South Korea's transition from a military dictatorship to a modern democracy with a thriving economy. Based on interviews with key policymakers and experts located in South Korea, Bluth's study throws light on Korean hopes for unification and the future of the U.S.-Republic of Korea alliance. U.S. policy toward North Korea has been politically controversial, with some supporting engagement and negotiations, and others calling for isolating the regime on the basis that it cannot be trusted. Neither approach will work, according to Bluth, who explains that North Korea's foreign and security policy is the result of both the internal and external threats to the survival of a regime that can no longer sustain itself. A suitable text for undergraduates as well as postgraduates, this book will be of interest to anyone with an interest in Korea, international security, and, in particular, nuclear nonproliferation.

South Korea’s security discourse on the nuclear threat posed by North Korea has been dichotomised by its position within the political spectrum between the progressives and conservatives. By drawing upon Securitisation Theory (ST), this study challenges the current security discourse in South Korea, which has divided and misled the public as well as securitising actors. This study examines the security discourses of the Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations, since they represent the archetypes of the progressives and conservatives respectively. The results of the analysis suggest that the current security discourses that have been prevalent in South Korea do not correspond with reality and, subsequently, the discourses were not able to deal with real challenges that the nuclear threat posed. This research also explains the root cause of the distorted security discourses by applying a ‘discursive chasm’ as a preliminary concept, which indicates a discursive structure that fundamentally impedes the performance of securitising actors’ articulation, and that distorts the discursive formation (securitisation processes). The chasms consist of three elusive discourses: first, a discourse on threats that cannot simply be said to be either imminent or not imminent (nuclear weapons as materiality and discourse); second, a discourse on the other that cannot easily be defined (the difficulty of representation of North Korea); and third, a discourse on measures that cannot easily be realised (intangible extraordinary measures).

According to the Global Trends Report 2021 provided by UNHCR (2022), there were 89.3 million forcibly displaced people in the world at the end of 2021, of which more than a quarter were refugees. This implies that there are more forcibly displaced people who cannot be called as refugees. The contemporary refugee and forced migration issue has developed from the social transformation in line with globalization and neoliberalism. This thesis aims to reveal how transnational migration and social transformation affect the refugee policies of the two countries where there is nothing geographically, historically, and culturally in common. To do so, the methodological approach of comparative case studies (CCS) is used to examine the refugee policies of Sweden and South Korea.  As empirical data, semi-structured interviews with government agents and NGOs from each country are analyzed and assessed with the use of theoretical framework of neoliberalism and its impact on social transformation. The results suggest that the refugee policies of the two countries converged on the minimum level of protection. Furthermore, not only refugees or asylum seekers but also many other people, including migrants and even native born cannot get appropriate protection from the current system. An additional finding is that countries should develop reasonable migration policy to meet both the demand of the national economy and humanitarian protection. This would be possible by preparing the entry rights for economic migrants in accordance with their labor market demands and guaranteeing appropriate entitlements for them.  This thesis demonstrates that comparing the refugee policy between Western and non-Western countries has significance for understanding the power relations that bind the seemingly dissimilar countries together. Therefore, the refugee policies in non-Western countries and their relationship with Western counterparts should be researched further.

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This thesis examines the argument that the Republic of Korea-United States Status of Forces Agreement (ROK-U.S. SOFA) affords greater immunities and protections to U.S. service personnel than does the Japan-U.S. SOFA. One significant source of tension for Korean-American relations over the years has been the belief of many Koreans that Japan is given greater authority to prosecute SOFA incidents because A) the Japan-U.S. SOFA is written to Japan's advantage and B) the United States unfairly favors Japan in the application of SOFA Criminal Jurisdiction. This thesis will test the accuracy of those beliefs. It will do this by first comparing the formal provisions in the SOFAs with the two countries. It will then compare their application in high-profile SOFA-related crimes and accidents over the past two decades both in South Korea and Japan to identify any possible pattern of inequity. By comparing the language of both SOFAs today with examples of how the United States has applied that language, this thesis finds that the language and application SOFA Criminal Jurisdiction provisions have changed to favor Korea today compared to Japan. This thesis also finds that the application in both countries has changed to give more deference to Host countries. / Master of Arts

Ce mémoire de maîtrise vise à comprendre la problématique de l’intégration des migrants Nord-Coréens en Corée du Sud à travers l’analyse de la dynamique des relations entre Nord et Sud-Coréens. Les objectifs particuliers sont d’identifier un processus d’ethnicisation dans la nation coréenne, de déterminer la place des cultures nord et sud-coréennes dans l’identité coréenne et de définir la reconfiguration identitaire nécessaire afin d’accéder à la reconnaissance du groupe majoritaire. Un séjour en Corée du Sud a été effectué en septembre 2010 afin de réaliser quatre entrevues avec des Nord-Coréens, en plus de rencontrer les gens travaillant dans des organismes promouvant l’intégration des Nord-Coréens en Corée du Sud. L’analyse des données a permis de comprendre de quelle manière la division de la nation coréenne persiste et comment elle influence le processus d’intégration des Nord-Coréens. En premier lieu, l’appartenance au groupe Hanminjok (nation coréenne) est conférée, mais la mise en relief de « marqueurs culturels » contraint l’accessibilité au groupe majoritaire. Deuxièmement, la présence de discours essentialistes exacerbent des représentations sociales négatives qui entravent l’intégration sociale et symbolique à la société sud-coréenne. Finalement, les résultats démontrent que le manque de liens sociaux entre Nord et Sud-Coréens tient une part importante dans la problématique de l’intégration, en plus de nuire à l’accessibilité au marché du travail ce qui compromet l’intégration économique. / This Master’s thesis aims at furthering the understanding of the integration process of North Korean migrants into South Korean society, through the analysis of the relationships between North and South Koreans. The specific objectives hereof are to identify an ethnicisation process, to define the place of North and South Korean culture in the Korean identity and to identify the identity reconfiguration necessary in order to access the recognition of the majority group. Fieldwork was completed in South Korea in September 2010, allowing for the interview of four North Koreans and the meeting of people working in organisations promoting North Korean integration into South Korea. The data analysis led us to a better understanding of how the division of the Korean nation is persisting and how it is influencing the integration process of North Koreans in South Korea. In the first place, belonging to the group Hanminjok (Korean nation) is granted, but the prominence of “ethnic markers” is restraining accessibility of North Koreans to the majority group. Secondly, the presence of essentialist discourses is deepening negative social representations which are deleterious to the social and symbolic integration of North Koreans into South Korean society. Finally, the results show that the lack of social relations between North and South Koreans plays a major role in the problematics of integration and is compromising accessibility to employment and therefore to economic integration.